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15. A Comparison of Narrative Style in Mopan and Itzaj Mayan

Kerry M. Hull University Press of Colorado ePub



Itzaj and Mopan Maya are members of the Yukatekan branch of the Mayan language family spoken in the Maya lowlands of Guatemala and Belize. The distribution of Yukatekan languages at the time of contact is shown on map 15.1. As indicated on the map, Itzaj and Mopan territories are near one another. The Peten was under Mayan control until the Spanish Conquest of the Itzaj in 1697, a century and a half after the rest of the Mayan territories came under Spanish control (Hofling 2004, 2009; Jones 1998, 2009). Immediately prior to the Conquest, the Mopans were under Itzaj control, but the two groups did not have amicable relations. The Itzajs and Mopans appear to have fought one another repeatedly before the Spanish arrived. After the Conquest in 1697, both groups became more isolated. While some forced resettlement mixed both groups, for the most part they seem to have had little contact with one another in modern times (Hofling 2008).

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CHAPTER TEN Thunder Stealing, Respect, and Relevance

David R. Berman University Press of Colorado ePub

Thunder Stealing, Respect, and Relevance

BY THE SECOND DECADE of the twentieth century the image of the Socialist movement in the Mountain West, thanks in part to press coverage of violent labor wars and the emergence of the Wobblies, took on the character of wild-eyed, rough-and-ready, bent-on-destruction radicalism. This was not only a public view but a view held by many in the party. A study by Robert F. Hoxie of the University of Chicago, based on reports supplied by around 600 party workers in various states and localities in 1910, for example, led him to conclude that the Mountain West was home to a particularly intense form of Socialism. He found strong mine worker unions, a class-conscious Socialism, and a Socialist party that rested “very largely on the support of men with European blood in their veins.”1 Hoxie, though, also suggested that something other than nativity was involved by noting that the “special type of Socialist victory at mining centers in otherwise unaffected territory leads to the thought that there is something in the working environment of these miners which makes them think in different terms from those about them and gives them a different outlook on life and society.”2

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Part 1: Physical Environment of the San Juan Mountains

George Bracksieck University Press of Colorado ePub

David A. Gonzales and Karl E. Karlstrom

THROUGHOUT TIME, PEOPLE HAVE BEEN DRAWN TO MOUNTAINS for inspiration, recreation, and scientific exploration. Mountains are also vast warehouses of natural resources and libraries of geologic history.

Mountains form in response to the dynamic forces of our planet. The life spans of mountain belts, from initial uplifts to erosion to base levels, run from tens of millions to hundreds of millions of years. Ancient and active mountain belts are part of the fabric of continental crust and provide clues to events that build and reshape continents. The concept of plate tectonics (Condie 1989) provides a framework within which to investigate and explain mountain building. (For a summary of plate tectonics, refer to The Western San Juan Mountains, chapter 2.)

The San Juan Mountains are part of the extensive Southern Rocky Mountains (figure 1.1) and are dominated by some of the highest and most jagged summits in the continental United States. The San Juans reveal a fascinating geologic story of the creation and demise of many mountain ranges in this region during the past 1.8 billion years, including probable current uplift from active mountain-building processes.

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Stephen J. Leonard University Press of Colorado ePub

Our opinion is that farmers who stay at home, and spend as much
money to improve and cultivate their farms will realize more clear profit
by so doing than they will to go to the mines.


Colorado’s first agricultural fair opened September 21, 1866, a mile and a half northwest of Denver. An early snowstorm had turned the forty acres of fairgrounds to cold mud, but visitors were delighted with the facilities. The exhibition hall, an octagon 300 feet in circumference, was filled with displays—quilts, ore specimens, and mammoth vegetables such as fifteen-pound turnips and thirty-five-pound cabbages from the South Platte Valley. Outside were stalls for prize livestock and a half-mile racetrack. The highlight came at the end of the four-day event, when 3,000 people watched nine women match their equestrian skills.

Staged seven years after the Gold Rush, the fair demonstrated the fact that farming got off to a slow start in Colorado. Pioneer boosters gushed about gold, but they had to admit that the territory’s agricultural bounty was slim. In 1866 perhaps only 50,000 acres were planted along the South Platte River and its tributaries. Four years later the 1870 federal census found only 1,700 farms (most in southern Colorado) and fewer than 100,000 acres of improved farmland.

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Stephen J. Leonard University Press of Colorado ePub

Chocolate is a product that people treat themselves to
in good times or bad.1


Between the 1970s and the early 2000s Colorado’s economy rose and fell like a roller coaster. It soared in the 1970s, tumbled in the 1980s, boomed again in the 1990s, and then faltered as a new millennium began. Despite the peaks and valleys, the trend was upward as tens of thousands moved into the state each year, taking the population from 2.2 million in 1970 to 4.3 million in 2000.

Rising oil prices triggered by the 1973 Arab oil embargo laid the groundwork for the boom of the 1970s. Energy companies sank money into western Colorado oil shale ventures and built Denver skyscrapers to house their regional headquarters, only to have their hopes dashed in the early 1980s when oil prices crashed. At Parachute on the Western Slope, Exxon gave its workers no notice before shutting down its oil shale operation on May 2, 1982, abandoning an investment of nearly a billion dollars.

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