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9 Order Lagomorpha Pikas, Rabbits, and Hares

David M. Armstrong University Press of Colorado ePub

The order Lagomorpha contains small to medium-sized mammals that superficially resemble rodents. The order is old, dating from the Late Paleocene in Asia, approximately 60 million years ago. Our understanding of the phylogeny of the lagomorphs is in a state of flux. An affinity between lagomorphs and rodents has long been suspected and has been emphasized recently by several mammalogists and paleontologists (Eisenberg 1981; Li and Ting 1985; Novacek 1985, 1990; Meng and Wyss 2005; K. Rose 2006). The likelihood of a common ancestor in the Paleocene has led to placement of lagomorphs and rodents together in a grandorder or cohort, Glires (see Carleton and Musser 2005; Hoffmann and Smith 2005).

Lagomorphs are herbivorous mammals. There are 4 incisors above and 2 below; the second upper incisors are small, peg-like teeth located directly behind the larger front incisors. A longitudinal groove marks the face of the upper incisors. A transitory pair of third upper incisors is lost soon after birth. The cheekteeth are hypsodont, and both incisors and cheekteeth are rootless and ever-growing. Several teeth have been lost and a long diastema is present in both upper and lower jaws.

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KEY TO THE FAMILIES

Ronald C. Wittmann University Press of Colorado ePub

Note: In the longer keys reference is made, in square brackets, to the number of the couplet from which you last came; page references are not given, since the families are in alphabetic order. Starting pages for major groups are as follows:

Ferns and Fern Allies, p. 17

Gymnosperms, p. 38

Angiosperms, p. 42

1a.   Plants not producing seeds or true flowers, but reproducing by spores; fern-like, moss-like, rush-like plants. Ferns and Fern Allies

1b.   Plants producing seeds, either by means of flowers or cones; plants of various aspects (seed plants) .................................................. (2)

2a.   Leaves needle-like or scale-like; evergreen trees and shrubs, never with flowers; ovules and seeds on the open face of a scale or bract (rarely the cone becomes a fleshy “berry” in Juniperus and Sabina). Gymnosperms

2b.   Leaves various, seldom needle-like or scale-like (if so, flowers are present), rarely evergreen; ovules and seeds borne in a closed cavity (carpel; ovary). Angiosperms, Flowering Plants .................................................... (3)

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CHAPTER NINE. Comparative Arawak Linguistics: Notes on Reconstruction, Diffusion, and Amazonian Prehistory

Alf Hornborg University Press of Colorado ePub

Sidney da Silva Facundes and Ana Paula B. Brandão

In this chapter we address two issues related to the historical-comparative studies of Arawak. First, we will review the Apurinã-Piro-Iñapari linguistic subgrouping hypothesis that we have previously presented (Brandão and Facundes 2007). Second, we will make an exploratory analysis of twelve lexical similarities between Arawak and Arawá languages. And third, we will present suggestions on possible implications of the answers to the first two issues for the historical development of Arawak.

In 1492 Christopher Columbus landed on an island he called San Salvador, where he met the Taíno people. It was the beginning of the end of the Taíno communities and the language they spoke. Taíno was one of the languages belonging to the genetic group proposed in 1782 by Fillipo Salvadore Gilij then called Maipuran, based on a comparison between the languages Maipure and Moxo (Noble 1965:1; Payne 1991:363; Aikhenvald 1999:73). Although Gilij used the name of the Venezuelan language Maipure to name this genetic group, Brinton (1891) and von den Steinen (1886), according to Aikhenvald (1999:73), named the same group “Arawak” after the Arawak (or Lokono) language spoken in the Guyanas.

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19 Our Religious Transition

Fernando Armstrong-Fumero University Press of Colorado ePub

When a people is subjugated, it is relatively easy for the conquerors to impose new art, new industries, new customs, and other manifestations of culture. But it is very difficult and time-consuming to make the conquered accept new religious ideas. Since its origins on the arid hill of Calvary, Christianity was imposed on paganism and Judaism at the cost of torrents of blood. The reformist sects achieved triumph after running through many thorny paths and leaving a trail of martyrs behind them. Almost all religious transitions have had some bloody Saint Bartholomew as their price. Why was the transition from indigenous paganism to Spanish Catholicism in the sixteenth century relatively easy? How is it that only Catholicism has been implanted among us, in spite of active—if pointless—attempts to introduce Protestantism?

The transition from indigenous paganism to Catholicism found no obstacles because the two religions shared certain elements that were propitious to their fusion. In contrast, paganism and Protestantism are dissimilar in essence and form. Catholicism was not imposed by the biting scourge, or by the Sacred Office, or by the charity of the missions. Had it been, rivers of blood would have flowed in Mexico as well. It is well-known that attempts at rebellion during the Colonial period were fights brought on by hunger, lack of land, oppression, and a thousand other causes, but almost never by struggles over religion.

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2 Indigenous Negotiation to Preserve Land, History, Titles, and Maps

Ethelia Ruiz Medrano University Press of Colorado ePub

Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the colonial justice system witnessed the Europeanization of such basic institutions of Mesoamerican indigenous society as the family, marriage, and access to property. This transformation took place with greatest effect within the Indian population of Mexico City and nearby areas.1 While European influence predominated in the colony, many cases were still argued during this period in which the Indian pueblos’ use of traditional customs and practices in the defense of their lands continued to play an important role.

Although the General Indian Court continued to function during this period, many Indian claims were heard in the first instance in regional tribunals and only received consideration by the Audiencia of Mexico City if they were not resolved at the lower level. This situation was especially true with regard to litigation over land involving Indian pueblos. In 1722 the Spanish Crown issued a decree formalizing the establishment of a new judicial institution, the Tribunal de la Acordada. This was the colony’s sole tribunal with unlimited territorial jurisdiction, and it answered only to the viceroy. Although the tribunal’s jurisdiction was originally confined to rural areas, Mexico City and other urban centers were brought under it in 1756, thus empowering its judges and agents to operate anywhere in New Spain. The court heard cases involving criminal prosecutions.2

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