6926 Slices
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Conduct and Experience (1930)

Larry A Hickman Indiana University Press ePub

Conduct,” as it appears in the title, obviously links itself with the position taken by behaviorists; “experience,” with that of the introspectionists. If the result of the analysis herein undertaken turns out to involve a revision of the meaning of both concepts, it will probably signify that my conclusions will not be satisfactory to either school; they may be regarded by members of both as a sterile hybrid rather than a useful mediation. However, there are many subdivisions in each school, and there are competent psychologists who decline to enroll in either, while the very existence of controversy is an invitation to reconsideration of fundamental terms, even if the outcome is not wholly satisfactory.

Before we enter upon the theme, an introductory remark should be made. That is that the subject is so highly complex and has so many ramifications that it is impossible to deal with it adequately The difficulty is increased by the fact that these ramifications extend to a historical, intellectual background in which large issues of philosophy and epistemology are involved, a background so pervasive that even those who have no interest in, or use for, philosophy would find, if they took the trouble to investigate, that the words they use—the words we all must use—are deeply saturated with the results of these earlier discussions. These have escaped from philosophy and made their way into common thought and speech.

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24 Carpathian Rus’: Interethnic Coexistence without Violence

Omer Bartov Indiana University Press ePub

PAUL ROBERT MAGOCSI

The phenomenon of borderlands together with the somewhat related concept of marginality are topics that in recent years have become quite popular as subjects of research among humanists and social scientists. At a recent scholarly conference in the United States I was asked to provide the opening remarks for an international project concerned with “exploring the origins and manifestations of ethnic (and related forms of religious and social) violence in the borderland regions of east-central, eastern, and southeastern Europe.”1 I felt obliged to begin with an apologetic explanation because, while the territory I was asked to speak about is certainly a borderland in the time frame under consideration—1848 to the present—it has been remarkably free of ethnic, religious, and social violence. Has there never been controversy in this borderland territory that was provoked by ethnic, religious, and social factors? Yes, there has been. But have these factors led to interethnic violence? The answer is no.

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Chapter Thirty-Eight

Gregory Schwipps Indiana University Press ePub

Sleeping two hours before rising to work among saw blades after the craziness of the past week wouldn’t have been what a medical doctor or some other learned person might have recommended, but it was exactly what Ollie did after finding himself back in Summer’s grace. He’d driven home before dawn and slept a little and now he was back on the concrete floor, watching a giant oak get planked. The way the night had turned out, he hadn’t been able to visit or even call his mama, and he hated that. But things with Summer had required immediate and careful attention. What had the old man called this thing with his mom? Heatstroke. He thought about asking Ray if people couldn’t use half of their bodies after a heatstroke, but he never did. Ray wasn’t no damned doctor, and he was in a shitty mood besides. Ollie figured that the washing machine had broken but he sure as hell wasn’t going to ask about that. Tonight after work, he was going to see his mom. And he had another plan cooking in his head, too.

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2 Ukaguru 1957–58

T. O. Beidelman Indiana University Press ePub

This volume is an account of political life in Ukaguru, Kilosa district, during the years prior to the end of British colonial rule. To make this political account convincing I preface it with information on the general social and economic life within. In this chapter I briefly describe local African settlement and social organization and the ways Africans made a living, the markets, roads, climate, and terrain. I also briefly describe Kaguru beliefs and values, and the Christian mission and government schools, which changed traditional thinking. My study mainly involves the Kaguru, but it also involves the Baraguyu, Kamba, and Ngulu ethnic minorities; African outsiders working for the Native Authority, for the mission, and in the Asian shops; and the few Asian and Somali merchants and white missionaries. I therefore briefly remark on them as well.

The main east-west road of central Tanganyika ran through the center of Ukaguru. At the time of my major fieldwork even this road was unpaved and consequently sometimes difficult during the peak of the rains, when upgrades were very difficult to climb even for vehicles with four-wheel drive or tire-chains. I often saw vehicles bogged down for many hours or even days, even though drivers had come with shovels and ropes. This main road passed by only one important Kaguru settlement, the sub-chief headquarters at Geiro on the western border of Eastern Province. To reach other Kaguru settlements one had to travel three to fifteen miles over minor, more difficult roads leading off from the main road. The roads to these more distant sites were sometimes very difficult during the height of the rains, so sometimes messages and packets had to be sent out on foot. Sometimes rivers crossing the roads were not fordable for several days, even by trucks. (There were no bridges in the upland area of the chiefdom.) There were small African and sometimes Asian shops at these sites. Native Authority trucks brought supplies and carried messages every week or so to many of these areas. Africans sometimes paid money to hitch rides on these vehicles. Asian-owned trucks, usually driven by Africans, brought in merchandise to many of these shops about once a month. Missionaries and some European administrators visited these areas, though often only once or twice a year. Only settlements such as Berega (because of the mission and its middle school and small hospital), Chakwale (because of the cattle market), and Geiro (being on the main road and with a petrol station) were visited more often. The Protestant CMS Mission ran the only postal service in the chiefdom. Native Authority trucks brought mail in and out of this area almost every week. Anyone wanting to send or receive mail had to hike or bike to Berega, often a day’s round trip from much of the chiefdom even for a strong biker, since the chiefdom was so hilly. Traffic greatly increased after the rainy season ended, both because then roads were more traversable and because that was the time when crops were harvested and taxes due, so that markets and courthouses had to be visited. It was then too that Kaguru and other Africans had plentiful grain for beer to celebrate marriages and initiations. Then Asian trucks came weekly to government-run markets to purchase produce, tax-collectors came to collect from Africans attending markets, and sales at the cattle market increased on account of the need to pay taxes. Many Kaguru and Ngulu sold metal goods, tobacco, mats, beads, and pottery to Baraguyu flush with ready cash from livestock sales. The rainy season was the time for intensive agricultural labor and little travel in Ukaguru, and the dry season the time for travel, when cultivation tapered off and visiting, marketing, and celebration of initiation and marriages led to a stream of Africans trekking and bicycling over the roads and paths. It was also the time for Kaguru to do road work in lieu of paying cash for taxes.

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9 All You Need Is Love? The Materiality of Everyday Sex and Love

Mark Hunter Indiana University Press ePub

When I began living in Mandeni in 2000 I was struck by an apparent paradox: everybody I knew discussed the close connection between money and sex, and yet they said that few “prostitutes” lived in the area. In my attempt to explore the materiality of everyday sex, I talked to factory managers and unions about job losses and declining wages. I looked at how rents had increased relative to wages and how migration to the area had increased despite job losses. I probed census data and found that only 14 percent of “Africans” living in the municipality were married. I searched for a way to describe the material relationships I saw, and found that scholars called them “transactional sex.”

But there was something missing. I became frustrated with the inertia of the concept of “sex” and the way it framed my emerging questions, such as, how had sex become “commodified”? And how had “sexual culture” changed? Over time I began to think that a better set of questions emerged from stepping back and exploring how resource flows, embodied emotions, and social meanings transformed in a shifting political economy. Doing so yielded insight into how the gendered labor market coincided with, and influenced, far-reaching demographic shifts, including rising population mobility and falling marriage rates—but it also took me into the realm of love. Indeed, in everyday conversations, narratives of sex’s materiality coexisted with the widespread celebration of love. In turn, love’s normative value as “good” made it a powerful symbolic anchor for a cultural politics of intimacy.

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