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2. Solitary Men

Claire Elise Katz Indiana University Press ePub

No man is an island, entire of itself . . . any man’s death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind; and therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee.

—John Donne, Meditation XVII

“No one is more self-sufficient than Rousseau,” Levinas proclaims in his 1935 book, On Escape, a statement that could be easily dismissed as a passing swipe at the eighteenth-century thinker.1 No doubt, Levinas would have ambivalent feelings about Rousseau, whose philosophy is often cited as influential in the French Revolution and the development of the French Republic. Yet, Levinas’s stab at Rousseau’s emphasis on self-sufficiency is not simply a throwaway line; self-sufficiency lies at the heart of a humanism that would develop out of modernity and to which Levinas offers a sustained response. In short, “self-sufficiency” sums up everything that Levinas believed went wrong with modernity.

Thirty years later, Levinas opens his 1968 essay, “Humanism and An-Archy,” with the following assertion:

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19 No Somos Criminales: Crossing Borders in Contemporary Latina and Latino Music Arturo J. Aldama

ARTURO J ALDAMA Indiana University Press ePub

ARTURO J. ALDAMA

Anti-immigrant discourse in general and anti-Mexican hate speech and hate crimes in particular are a central piece of contemporary US political and public culture. The racist sense of entitlement by anti-immigrant xenophobes is echoed in a variety of formats including public radio, prime time news shows, and the blogosphere, and it is a central platform of many Republican senators, governors, and elected city officials such as mayors. Anti-immigrant games such as “Catch the Wetback” are the new form of political theatrics on many college campuses, and the Southern Poverty Law Center that does the Klan Watch has noted an incredible increase in hate-motivated violence toward those perceived as undocumented in the United States in the last several years.

The issues that concern me most are the arrogance of power and the absolute sense of racial entitlement that drive the supposedly fringe paramilitary nativist and neo-Nazi vigilante groups along the border and throughout the United States (which, in a loose chronology, include the Barnett Brothers, Ranch Rescue, the American Border Patrol, the Christian Identity Movement, the National Alliance, and the Minute Men) that have spread into the American mainstream. In fact, the political and public cultures of the United States carry an enormous weight of transversal racial hostility, evidenced most recently by Arizona Senate Bill 1070.1

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20. Beginning of the End

David M. Jordan Indiana University Press ePub

I FEEL SO WELL AND STRONG SINCE I CAME BACK that I could be quite happy if I can keep so and never again afflict you with such miserable letters.” So did Gouverneur Warren begin his first letter to his wife Emily after returning to the army at the end of January 1865. Backsliding immediately, he then told of visiting Romeyn Ayres, commander of his Second Division, just back from a twenty-day leave to his home in Portland, Maine, and complaining about it. Ayres, he said, “found his leave . . . so short he was sorry he went at all.” He and Ayres then visited Griffin, who had brought his wife back with him on a special pass from Stanton, the secretary of war. When they arrived at Petersburg, Griffin received a note from Meade saying he “presumed she was here by authority superior to him.” Mrs. Griffin took the hint and went home. Meade, Warren complained, had a rule “that ladies may visit the army but on no account will be allowed to stay all night in camp but must go back the same day to City Point.”1

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Building Arks

Scott Russell Sanders Indiana University Press ePub
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31. The University Chancellor

Herman B Wells Indiana University Press ePub

AT THE time I left the presidency of Indiana University, I indicated to the Board of Trustees that I had no desire to do anything other than continue to serve the university in some capacity for the rest of my productive life. The trustees responded by creating the office of chancellor, which was then a new title and office for the university. No job description was given; I was told to develop the position, in cooperation with the president, in whatever manner it seemed to the two of us would be in the best interests of the institution. The expectation was, however, that my principal base of operation would be the Indiana University Foundation, of which I was then president, and that I would give that office most of my time. There was an understanding, too, that I would continue to serve on several state and national committees, boards and commissions, at least for the time being and thus provide a liaison for the university with those bodies. Also, it was thought, in the president's absence or illness, I could represent him in the ceremonial duties that would arise from time to time.

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