Results for: “Biography & Autobiography”
|Edited and Annotated by Charles M. Robinson III||University of North Texas Press|
Camp Under Fire
he remains of Major Thornburgh and men [were] buried this morning, rather roughly, however, as at this time, the sharp rattle of musketry from our picket stations announced the approach of the enemy; positions were taken up without the loss of a moment, the long line of Infantry and dismounted cavalry commanding all the hills overlooking camp, producing a beautiful effect.
Being dismounted, I accompanied Col. Sumner’s command, climbing up one of the steepest acclivities and posting myself with Ferris’ and
Quinn’s men in a ﬁeld of sage-brush. For a little while, the enemy was quite bold, coming up well within range and showing a disposition to make a determined ﬁght. Fifteen of their warriors, mounted, had penetrated within less than 150 yards of where we were but as their presence was concealed by a couple of deep ravines they succeeded in escaping before we could ﬁre a shot.
The Infantry riﬂes proved to be too powerful for the Utes who fell back like snow before the sun. Seeing that the game was endedSee All Chapters
|IU Press Journals||Indiana University Press||ePub|
Nelson Mandela in Miami
WHEN NELSON MANDELA landed in Miami on June 24, 1990—only recently released from his twenty-seven years of imprisonment for fighting apartheid—he was, figuratively speaking, slapped across the face four times. The governor of Florida administered the first slap by not showing up at the airport to greet Mandela. The Miami-Dade County mayor administered the next slap by not appearing at the county-owned airport where Mandela landed. The mayors of the City of Miami—a city which was, and still is, dominated by conservative Cuban Americans—and of Miami Beach, with its substantial Jewish population, administered the third slap by also not showing up. The last lick was laid on Mandela by local Jewish elected officials, who also refused to appear with Mandela. Meanwhile, everywhere else in the U.S. and the globe to which Mandela traveled on his tour, he received a hero’s welcome. To comprehend why Miami snubbed Mandela requires some understanding of ethnic relations in the city, particularly with regard to African Americans, Cuban Americans, and Jews. Mandela’s arrival stirred the ethnic stew in Miami in ways that had not been done before. First, Mandela had insulted the Cubans by expressing appreciation to Castro for having supported him when few others, including the United States, did. He maligned the Jews by doing the same for Yasser Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). To many in the African American community, the Mandela episode in Miami was surreal. Mandela snubbed? Who on earth would have the nerve or the reason? Only in Miami! The perspective of most African Americans in Miami was that the most important black figure of our time had come into our midst, only to be insulted by Cubans and Jews. The why of it all requires some knowledge of the history of wounds left upon the minds and souls of both the Cuban and Jewish communities, a quagmire of ethnic emotions that Mandela stepped into when he arrived in Miami.See All Chapters
|Chris Smith, John Mosca and John Riley||University of North Texas Press||ePub|
In February of 1988, Mel Lewis and The Jazz Orchestra played their annual weeklong engagement at the Village Vanguard, this time celebrating their twenty-second birthday. The band used the week at the Vanguard, February 11–15, to record three new albums for the Musicmasters label. Throughout the five nights, the band recorded nine new arrangements for Mel Lewis and The Jazz Orchestra: Soft Lights and Hot Music (Musicmasters). The recording featured the writing and arranging of Mike Abene, Ted Nash, Kenny Werner, Jim McNeely, Bill Finegan, and Mike Crotty. Soft Lights and Hot Music showcased the band's ability to make challenging music sound effortless and swinging, such as McNeely's composition “Off the Cuff,” and Werner's “Compensation.” The album also displayed the band's ability to play incredibly cohesive ensemble passages, thanks to the leadership once again of Mosca, Oatts, and Gardner. When the ensemble dissolved into a solo section, Mel, Dennis Irwin, and Kenny Werner gave the soloists the freedom to create and develop their solo with few musical limits. Ralph Lalama, Glenn Drewes, Ted Nash, Dick Oatts, Joe Lovano, Kenny Werner, Jim Powell, John Mosca, and Ed Neumeister were all featured soloists on the album.See All Chapters
|Geoffrey Burgess||Indiana University Press||ePub|
Versions Using Modern Instruments and Recorders
Leipzig Gewandhaus Orchestra, dir. Paul Schmitz (Lied der Zeit/Polydor 68191/93)
Curtis Institute Ensemble, dir. Ezra Rachlin (Hargail 105-107)
Alfred Mann, Anton Winkler, recorders (Dolmetsch)
Wiener Kammerorkester, dir. Josef Merten (Re-release: ORF CD 379 2000)
Elisabeth Harnoncourt, Jürg Schaeftlein, recorders
London Baroque Ensemble, dir. Karl Haas (Whitehall WH200070-1, Westminster WG-W-18033)
Schola Cantorum Basiliensis, dir. August Wenzinger (DG Archiv APM 14011-12)
Adam Zeyer, Gustav Scheck, recorders
Instrumental Ensemble, dir. Jasha Horenstein (Vox; rereleased CDX2-5519 Vox, 2009)
Paul Angerer, 2nd recorder
Chamber Orchestra of the Vienna State Opera, dir. Felix Prohaska (NIXA PVL 7016)
Karl Trötzmuller, Paul Angerer, recorders (Concerto IV); flute used in IISee All Chapters
|Anshel Brusilow and Robin Underdahl||University of North Texas Press||ePub|
“ALBAIRE,” MAÎTRE SAID. “We think you should come to San Francisco this winter. You could help me with my orchestra and refine your conducting. Besides, I like the way you play.”
Yes, I would go. I was twenty-one, and all was right with the world. The violin felt natural, like the part of my body that connected my chin to my hands.
Maître and Mum Monteux lived at the Fairmont Hotel in San Francisco. I stayed with a Russian family friendly to the symphony, Bill and Moussya Sakovich.
I was immediately taken with the three Sakovich boys, especially two-year-old Nicky. It was not surprising that the Monteuxs would find such a family for me.
Each day I showed up at the War Memorial Opera House to function as Maître's assistant conductor. Oddly, there were no duties. I learned by observation, but Monteux left it at that.
For concerts, I entered that impressive venue in the retinue of Madame Monteux. If she was Mum in Hancock, she was the grande dame in San Francisco, and she dressed every inch of it. Her hair was sprayed into a halo. We processed to the conductor's box, which accommodated six people. She invited close friends and major donors to sit with her, and relatives of visiting conductors or soloists. I was usually the only young person in the box.See All Chapters
|George Huppert||Indiana University Press||ePub|
ARRIVING IN VIENNA IN DECEMBER, HUGO WAS MET BY Emily. She was crying and did not say a word. It seems they agreed to avoid talking about Hugo’s French escapades. They had more important matters to worry about. Hugo needed an income, and he was not able to find work other than writing for the Communist paper, Die Rote Fahne, which allowed him to hand in an occasional film review and earn a few pennies. He also worked, again for pennies, for an old friend of Professor Kelsen’s, the economist Walter Federn, who published a well-regarded weekly, Der Österreichische Volkswirt. Federn, who was Jewish and well informed, advised Hugo to leave the country. There was no doubt in his mind about what would soon happen: the swastika crowd was growing by leaps and bounds as unemployment and misery increased.
The year 1927 would prove to be a time for painful decisions. At the age of twenty-five, Hugo Huppert was just beginning to be known as a writer, even if he had not as yet published anything. Witness his invitation to Frau Dr. Schwarzwald’s summer artists’ colony. He probably owed this distinction to Professor Kelsen, who participated in one of Dr. Schwarzwald’s many enterprises, the high-level private school for girls. Genia Schwarzwald knew everyone in Vienna’s cultural circles, writers, artists, composers, philosophers, and opera singers. At her progressive school for girls, Oskar Kokoschka taught art and Arnold Schönberg music, among other extraordinary faculty members.See All Chapters
|Dean J. Kotlowski||Indiana University Press|
NEW DEPARTURES, OLD HAUNTS
Fr eshly gr a duated from India na Universit y, Paul V. McNutt was ready to leave the Hoosier State, though not permanently. In the half-dozen years following graduation, McNutt left his native state for two extended periods, first to attend Harvard Law School and second to join the army in World
War I. From those two pivotal experiences, McNutt began to emerge as a man of the nation, if not the world. He entered that exclusive club of Americans who has not only a college education, but a degree from Harvard as well. Association with that school’s name helped to launch McNutt’s career as a law professor and a dean. The Great War had an even greater impact. It focused and kept McNutt’s attention on issues of international relations, national defense, and patriotic service, even though, as fate would have it, he never saw combat overseas. On a more personal level, the war, in an unexpected way, allowed McNutt to “grow up”—that is, to meet his future wife and to begin a family of his own.See All Chapters
|Ron Forbes-Roberts||University of North Texas Press|
One Long Tune: The Life and Music of Lenny Breau
“Tal immediately suggested Lenny and I said, ‘Yeah, Lenny Breau,’”
DeStefano says. “So we went after him and after a little back and forth Lenny was booked to do it. He and his wife flew down from
Maine to New York and we had them driven up to Sea Bright.” The couple arrived on May 21 for their two-day, de facto honeymoon for which Lenny was pleased to receive $400 and a few nights at the local Sandy Hook Motel.
The actual meeting between Farlow and Lenny is not shown in the documentary because DeStefano did not want to intrude on the moment, but he says that the men greeted each other genially and with obvious mutual respect. “They got on great right away,” says
DeStefano. “Tal had heard him a lot so it wasn’t like Lenny was just another adoring student. Tal knew Lenny was special. Lenny understood the tradition Tal was part of—52nd Street, BeBop, Bird—and you could see in Lenny’s eyes when he looked at Tal that he saw all that. Lenny knew that tradition. He hadn’t been part of it, but he knew this guy in this room was there.”See All Chapters
|Marie Paul Curley Fsp||Pauline Books and Media||ePub|
Only a Boy
“Go into all the world and proclaim the good news to the whole creation. The one who believes and is baptized will be saved; but the one who does not believe will be condemned” (Mk 16:15–16).
Mark was not one of the Twelve whom Jesus appointed to be his companions, to go out preaching at his command. Mark was not even one of the disciples who followed the Master and listened to his teachings; nor did he witness the miracles Christ performed. When it all began he was too young, only a boy.
But, today, that unforgettable first day of the Feast of Unleavened Bread, Mark knew that something very special and important was happening. The Master, Jesus of Nazareth, sent his disciples to prepare the paschal meal in the upper room of Mark’s home.
“Wow,” thought Mark. “These are his companions. They’ve seen everything he’s done and heard all his teaching. I wish Father didn’t tell me to leave them be.”
When it was evening, Jesus arrived with the twelve apostles. Just seeing him was enough to set Mark’s heart ablaze. He had heard all the stories of this prophet, now here he was celebrating the holy day in his house.See All Chapters
|John R. Erickson||University of North Texas Press|
Chapter Two: The Visit
uring the summer of 1966 I was in Austin, ﬁnishing up a few courses at the University of Texas so that I could graduate in
August, and my thoughts had turned eastward. I had been accepted as a student at Harvard Divinity School and soon I would be moving to Cambridge, leaving Texas behind, perhaps forever. The thought of spending some time in Cambridge excited me. During the Kennedy administration, we had heard a great deal about Harvard University.
President Kennedy, his brother Bobby, Defense Secretary McNamara, and other members of the administration had studied there. Could a kid from Perryton compete with the luminous beings who occupied such a place? I wasn’t sure, but I had a ticket for ﬁnding out.
So why, in the midst of such heady speculations, did I write my grandmother in Seminole and ask if I could spend a weekend with her?
Apparently four years of university education had failed to do what I had hoped it would do, erase all memory of my background in rural WestSee All Chapters
|Rick Miller||University of North Texas Press|
We Want Him
ill Longley likely visited his parents in Bell County in the late fall and perhaps early winter of 1876, during which time Dick
Sanders may have left him and returned home. It is also possible that in March 1877 Longley and Sanders might have been in Kerr County.
From March 10 to March 20, a detachment of Texas Rangers from
Company C, responding to some source of information, was sent into the county to look for them.1 The Rangers returned empty-handed.
No doubt concerned that the authorities would get wind of his whereabouts in his old haunts, Longley said that he went to East Texas, and he ultimately made his way into Nacogdoches County, across the
Angelina River. An educated guess would place this trip in the spring of 1877.
For whatever reason, Longley decided that he would detour around the town of Nacogdoches, rather than ride through it. Fuller, who himself was a resident of Nacogdoches, and speaking again in third person, said that the outlaw had “heard something” about Nacogdoches Sheriff Milt Mast and his deputy, Bill Burrows, and did not want to get into “fresh trouble.”2 About four or five miles west of theSee All Chapters
|Edited and Annotated by Charles M. Robinson III||University of North Texas Press|
pon returning to Washington to finalize the work with the
Ponca Commission, Bourke met with Maj. John Wesley
Powell, director of the two-year-old American Bureau of
Ethnology. Powell had learned of Bourke’s work from E. S. Holden of the Naval Observatory, who had been a year behind Bourke at West
Point, and from Rev. Dorsey, who, aside from his ministry with the
Episcopal Church, and his work with the Ponca Commission, also was an ethnologist on the bureau’s staff. Both Holden and Dorsey believed the bureau could benefit from Bourke’s experiences. From this meeting came formal sanction for his ethnological interests, and thus he embarked on the work that would secure his own place in history. Indeed, with and without Crook, and with and without official support, the remaining fifteen years of his life would be devoted to this work.1
Although Bourke undoubtedly could have worked solely under the aegis of the Bureau of Ethnology, at this point in his life, he preferred to continue within the framework of his military duties. His position as Crook’s aide gave him substantial flexibility, and most likely he preferred this to the potential control of Powell. He alsoSee All Chapters
|Edited and Annotated by Charles M. Robinson III||University of North Texas Press|
More Memories of Arizona
e have all day been in the drainage of the Niobrara, to which Plum creek is tributary. A few miles beyond this is Evergreen creek, a pretty stream full of beaver. These streams head in the country near the sources of the Loup and Colemans through which I passed in July 1879, in company with Genl.
Crook and others.1
Stanton has been recalling reminiscences of a trip we made together through Arizona, in 1872. Genl. Crook was then organizing an armed force of the Hualpai Indians to go out after the Apache-Mojaves and had started out from Prescott for the reservation of the former tribe at Beale’s Springs, leaving me to follow after with Col. Stanton.2 When we reached Camp Hualpai,3 or rather shortly after we had left there, we were assailed by a violent storm of wind and snow in the Juniper
1. See Robinson, Diaries, 3, Chapter 12.
2. This does not appear in Bourke’s previous notebooks, the earliest known at this time beginning on November 20, 1872. By that time, Crook had already enlisted the Hualpais.See All Chapters
|Pascal Cataneo||Pauline Books and Media||ePub|
Padre Pio’s Familiarity with His Guardian Angel
For most of us, our guardian angels are a great unknown. For Padre Pio, on the contrary, his guardian angel was well-known and worked with the friar on his sanctification and in his priestly ministry. Between them there was a kind of bond. You could almost say they lived together.
The very exceptional, spiritual life of Padre Pio necessitated exceptional assistance on the part of his guardian angel. Again, his priestly ministry, replete with so many charisms, demanded a great deal of this help, in a variety of ways, such as being a messenger to people in touch with Padre Pio, translating foreign languages, and so on. Here are some glimpses of this familiarity between Padre Pio and his guardian angel.
Once, Padre Pio was violently attacked by the devil and his cohort, whom he called “cossacks.” The struggle was so intense that at one point Padre Pio thought he was lost, so he called out to his guardian angel for help. But the angel did not come, and Padre Pio had to fight alone. As usual, though, Padre Pio threw himself completely into the struggle and prayed with greater intensity than ever. In the end he came out victorious but exhausted.See All Chapters
|Mark T. Smokov||University of North Texas Press|
Back in the West
westbound Great Northern train was stopped by three men near
Malta, Montana, on August 28, 1903. The bandits were frustrated in their holdup attempt when guards on the train prevented them from boarding the engine. Giving it up as a bad job, they rode away toward the Bear Paw Mountains. The railroad said it was the work of the Curry gang, and the outlaw leader had been reported seen in Malta earlier in the week.1 Another robbery attempt on the Great Northern took place on
September 2 in Great Falls, in which the bandits rode the train into the city limits.2 It is difficult to believe that Curry would have attempted a train robbery so soon after his escape. Wild Bunch members were known to take several weeks and even months to plan their robberies. The need for money would not have overridden his innate caution. Also, the modus operandi of the holdups did not fit Curry’s style. In fact, northern
Montana may not have been his first destination after eluding the
Pinkertons and federal officers in the mountains of North Carolina.See All Chapters