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Chapter 6: Kid Curry Loses Another Brother

Mark T. Smokov University of North Texas Press ePub

CHAPTER 6

Kid Curry Loses Another Brother

About the time Kid Curry left the hideaway in the Missouri Breaks and headed for Wyoming, younger brother John Curry became involved in a water rights dispute and took up with another man’s wife, not necessarily in that order.

Little Rockies pioneer Charles W. Duvall wrote that the four Curry brothers had each homesteaded their own piece of land. “The Curry ranches extended from the east boundary of the Tressler ranch down Rock Creek which swung south, just east of the Tressler homestead. As 160 acres was all one could homestead at that time these four homesteads were only about a mile and a half long. The home which the Curry’s built and where they all lived was built near a large spring which came out of the north bank of Rock Creek and the homestead joining Dan Tressler. The Curry home was in plain sight from the Dan Tressler home.”1

Tressler was building up his ranch, and he and his pretty young wife Lucy seemed to be doing well. Then a romance developed between John Curry and Lucy Tressler. When confronted by her husband Dan, she was forced to leave.2 According to Dad Marsh, Curry wasn’t the first man with whom Lucy had been intimate.3 With marriage in mind, she moved in with Curry on a ranch on the Missouri River. Tressler remained on his ranch while he decided what to do. Becoming fed up with the situation, he sold his spread to Jim Winters in 1895, and moved to the Harlem area with his children.4 In the winter of 1895/1896 Winters’ step-brother Abraham Ditmars Gill moved from the East Coast to become a partner. Gill’s father, Dr. Charles Gill of New York City, had adopted Winters after his father was killed in action in the Civil War.5

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13. A Place to Belong: Colonial Pasts, Modern Discourses, and Contraceptive Practices in Morocco

Edited by Sherine Hafez and Susan Slyomo Indiana University Press ePub

13.

A PLACE TO BELONG: COLONIAL PASTS, MODERN DISCOURSES, AND CONTRACEPTIVE PRACTICES IN MOROCCO

Cortney L. Hughes

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has often been portrayed in popular and scholarly discourses as a homogenous entity comprised of countries linked together through culture, ethnicity, and religion. Places as far west as Morocco and as far east as southwest Asia have been included in or excluded from the region in its various definitions. Charles Lindholm points out that “in terms of square miles, the Middle East is the largest ‘culture area’ of any of those that generally are included in the anthropological division of the world” (1995, 805). How is the MENA conceptualized as a theoretical construct and a geographical place? How do individuals living in the region see themselves as belonging to a nation-state and to the larger region?

My ethnographic fieldwork in Rabat, Morocco on reproductive healthcare challenges the idea in some popular and scholarly discourses that the MENA is a seamless body of nation-states. For example, my interactions with Salima, a lower-middle class Moroccan woman living in Rabat, and with an Imam at a mosque in the Mid-Atlas Mountains, contest this generalized notion of the Middle East and North Africa.1 One afternoon Salima and I walked from a health clinic tucked away in a working-class neighborhood in Rabat that is run by a non-governmental organization (NGO) with close ties to the London-based International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF). We made our way through a very busy open-air market where people buzzed about buying fruit, vegetables, and other household items. Salima was dressed in a long black coat and donned a matching black hijab on this chilly day in February 2008. She had come to the health clinic to see the gynecologist for a contrôle, or follow-up visit, for her intra-uterine device (IUD). On our walk I asked Salima if she had children, but she responded with “pas encore” or “not yet.” Salima was twenty-six years old at the time of our conversation and had been married for only a short period. I then inquired if she and her husband wanted to have children in the future, to which she responded “inschallah,” or “God willing,” a phrase I had become accustomed to hearing in Morocco on a regular basis from nearly everyone: practicing Muslims, non-practicing Muslims, Americans, and other foreign residents alike.

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Conclusion: Latino Urban Agency in the 21st Century, Sharon A. Navarro and Rodolfo Rosales

Edited by Sharon A. Navarro and Rodolfo Rosales University of North Texas Press PDF

Conclusion:

Latino Urban Agency in the 21st Century

The

focus of This volume has been on ciTies where

laTinos

have,

throughout the twentieth century, busied themselves in establishing their cultural, social, economic, and political roots. Indeed, Latinos have, especially after WWII, engaged in politics in their respective urban spaces, struggling to shape those spaces to their needs. Continuing into the twenty-first century, this process is now occurring in innumerable smaller urban areas as the Latino diaspora spreads across the United States.

This particularly local and provincial process made these communities both invisible and diverse. Ironically, because of their different historical legacy, as opposed to European immigrants, Latinos have remained insulated and invisible to mainstream America, which continues to see Latinos as migrant workers or simply as immigrants.1 The diversity springs from the varied and diverse circumstances they found themselves in from East

Los Angeles to the Mission District in San Francisco, to Chicago, to Miami, to the West side of San Antonio and many other urban realities. Added to these multiple circumstances, the multiple national origins that make up the Latino community creates one of the most diverse and yet identifiable communities in America. Moreover, it has been difficult to generalize about

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3 - “We Now Milk Elephants”: The Community Conservation Business in Rural Kenya

Peter D. Little Indiana University Press ePub

The Community Conservation Business in Rural Kenya

AN ELDERLY SAMBURU woman on the hot, dusty plains of northern Kenya explains to a visiting group of government and development officials that pastoralists have learned the value of wildlife. She notes unabashedly that “we now milk elephants like we do our cows—they provide us with income to buy food” (field notes, January 1995). The mixed crowd of state officials and development workers nod approvingly, discussing among themselves how local wildlife conservation efforts and enterprises in the area clearly have benefited local communities. This is exactly the kind of language the visitors wanted to hear, as the explicit goal of community-based conservation in Kenya and elsewhere in East Africa was to make nature and wildlife “pay,” thereby encouraging communities to better conserve the region's rich biodiversity. In the era of pro-market reforms, a successful conservation program is one “linking business with nature” (USAID 2006).

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10 McLuhan, Crash Theory, and the Invasion of the Nanobots

Patrick M. Brantlinger Indiana University Press ePub

The truth of contemporary science is not so much the extent of progress achieved as the scale of technical catastrophes occasioned.

—PAUL VIRILIO, THE INFORMATION BOMB

A maverick professor of English, Marshall McLuhan became a public intellectual by dint of his commentaries on communications technologies and how they had shaped history and were shaping the present and future. Though initially highly critical of them, McLuhan also appeared perfectly happy to serve as a pundit or guru for the mass media and for commercial advertising firms. Perhaps he was not critical enough. In any case, recent work on new technologies and the emergence of “the information society” suggests that McLuhan has entered a sort of academic purgatory, even though many of his ideas—or the ideas that he expressed, at any rate—are everywhere. Many scholars do not bother to cite him. In Theories of the Information Society, for example, Frank Webster does not mention McLuhan, while Darin Barney cites only his “famous aphorism . . . ‘the medium is the message’” in Prometheus Wired (56). So, too, in The Informational City, probably the most important sociological analysis to date of the paradigm shift to the information age, Manuel Castells ignores McLuhan. This is not to say that he, Webster, Barney, or other recent scholars should necessarily do otherwise; after all, McLuhan published The Gutenberg Galaxy and Understanding Media over four decades ago.

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