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What Are Friends For?

Joyce Gibson Roach University of North Texas Press PDF

What Are

Friends For?


“If the wind doesn’t stop blowing, I’m gonna lose my mind!”—that’s what Bessie Ruth, my neighbor, says.

Bessie Ruth is having company and she’s a bit overwrought. The wind doesn’t make things any better. Iva

Jean and I went over to help her. We did the same things for her that your neighbor would do for you.

I stripped the bed and put on a wash, and then dragged the carpets and smaller rugs out to the fence and gave them a good beating with the broom. Heavy as they were, they blew off the fence and had to be chased. In fact,

I haven’t told Bessie Ruth but there’s one missing and no telling where it blew to.

Bessie Ruth keeps walking the floor and wringing her hands, wondering what to cook. In the meantime, Iva Jean is cooking everything in sight. Since the hostess doesn’t know, I’ll tell you that there will be green beans. The Piggly

Wiggly had a fresh shipment of Kentucky Wonders and Iva bought them, along with a little smoked bacon for seasoning. That and a few spoonfuls of bacon drippings from the can on the stove will make them tasty. And they won’t crunch when you take a mouthful, either. I can tell you that. They will be soft—yes, and greasy.

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CHAPTER EIGHT. The Spread of the Arawakan Languages: A View from Structural Phylogenetics

Alf Hornborg University Press of Colorado ePub

Swintha Danielsen, Michael Dunn, and Pieter Muysken

Over the last three decades the Arawakan language family has drawn increasing attention in a number of disciplines (cf. Hill and Santos-Granero 2002). The family is unique in South America in several respects. It has the widest geographical extension of a language family in the continent. Furthermore, the literature reports for many individual members of the language family considerable influence from other languages in their immediate surroundings. In this chapter we aim to accomplish four things. First, we present a first analysis of a database of structural (as opposed to lexical) features of the Arawakan languages (Dunn et al. 2008). Comparative linguistic work on Arawakan languages was generally based on lexical material, such as that by Payne (1991). Structural features have been compared, for example, by Aikhenvald (1999a), but not systematically. Second, we carry out an analysis of the structural database using isolation by distance measures. Our third objective is to present the outcomes of a statistical analysis of the distribution of the structural features, using the SplitsTree program (NeighborNet) to yield a classification of the language family. Discrepancies between the classifications on the basis of structural features and the traditional lexical features may give us insight into the role of spread as a second language, as in the case of pidgins and creoles. The data may support Hornborg’s hypothesis that the Arawakan diaspora was in part a relatively recent phenomenon and that languages did not spread successively in one big migration phase, but rather in waves (cf. Hornborg 2005:603). Finally, we survey the data on the role of contact in shaping Arawakan languages.

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11. Separate Ways

Jeffrey Burton University of North Texas Press PDF

+ 11 ∂


On or about May 3, 1899, one of the three men was seen on the TX pastures, some thirty miles east of Roswell. His partners must have been close at hand for, barely a day later, three mounts were stolen from the nearby LFD horse camp, and the three Erie animals left in their place. Then, on May 6, the outlaws swapped the LFD horses for three from the—V (Bar V) ranch of the Cass Land and Cattle

Company, north of Roswell. W.G. Urton, manager and part owner of the company and a former employer of the Ketchums, was particularly incensed because the thieves had killed one of his horses: when caught, it broke away with the rope and the outlaw, in a fit of irrational fury, had shot the animal. Sheriff Fred Higgins and his deputy, Will Rainbolt, were reported to have trailed the thieves closely; but they were never close enough to be seen by them.1

This is the last occasion on which the three outlaws were together. Very soon afterwards Tom Ketchum was either thrown out or deserted by the others. His sullen moods, charged with sudden paroxysms of savage rage, had become intolerable to them; even to Sam, who knew him best. Will Carver and Sam Ketchum were outlaws and desperadoes; if either of them were pressed to the point where he felt he had to kill a man, he would kill him and suffer few qualms or none. But neither would kill upon impulse, and neither was inclined to destructive tantrums. Dave Atkins had quit the gang because he could take no more of Tom Ketchum’s brutal and quarrelsome nature. When Carver spoke to Axford some months afterwards, he explained his and Sam’s decision to “divide blankets” with Tom in the same terms.2

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1 Political Evil: Witchcraft from the Perspective of the Bewitched

William C Olsen Indiana University Press ePub


“Evil is not anything,” David Parkin asserts in his introduction to Anthropology of Evil (1985b). Evil is an odd-job word, a word with a lot of baggage, but evil is also a word whose analytical value in anthropology is to push researchers beyond conventional categories. Instead of asking what evil is, let us explore where evil takes us.

Depending on route, the concept of evil can take us in two different directions: morality or ontology. In the first direction, evil is part of morality, being oftentimes interchangeable with bad. In Martin Southwold’s words (1985, 131), this is evil in the weak sense. In the second direction, ontology, evil is perceived as a form of extreme wrongdoing. Southwold speaks here of radical evil or evil in the strong sense, this being a realm where the moral discourse of wrongness, wickedness, and immorality seems lacking and displaced. Although Southwold does not deny the continuum between weak and strong forms of evil, he believes that it is important “to keep ‘evil’ in the strong sense, the better to point to the problems that arise” (1985, 132). I concur.

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Marcy Brink-Danan Indiana University Press ePub

The following fellowships and institutions generously supported research for this book: Fulbright-Hays, National Foundation for Jewish Culture, Maurice Amado Foundation for Sephardic Studies, Eastern Consortium of Persian and Turkish, Mellon Foundation, Institute of Turkish Studies, Barnard College Alumnae Fellowship, and Brown and Stanford Universities. A fellowship at the Center for Jewish History allowed me regular access to the archives of the American Sephardi Federation (ASF), which holds an invaluable collection of documents relating to the American Branch of the Quincentennial Foundation; special thanks is due to Randall Belinfante, ASF librarian/archivist. A Cahnman Publication Subvention Grant of the Association of Jewish Studies supported the completion of this book.

At Indiana University Press, Janet Rabinowitch and Rebecca Tolen helped bring this book to publication, with editorial assistance from Brian Herrmann and Maureen Epp. Matti Bunzl and Michael Herzfeld, editors for the New Anthropologies of Europe Series, as well as Matthias Lehmann and Harvey Goldberg, editors for the Series in Sephardi and Mizrahi Studies helped locate this book in its appropriate milieus. Harvey Goldberg and Esra Özyürek offered useful feedback on an earlier version of this manuscript, for which I am most grateful.

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