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Kenneth L. Untiedt, editor University of North Texas Press PDF


CHOCTAW FIVE by Tim Tingle

Buck Wade died on Christmas Eve 2008, yesterday. So instead of enjoying a peaceful evening at home on Christmas night, I packed a suitcase and loaded my dog Duke and my best friend Doc onto a mini-van, drove a few hundred miles, and am now staying at a small motel in Hillsboro with a six o’clock wake-up call, on my way to my friend’s funeral in a small country graveyard a few miles south of McAlester, Oklahoma. Buck was the last of the Choctaw

Five, my own designation for four men and one strong woman who altered my life in ways I am only now beginning to understand. I had been wrestling with how to narrow the focus of an article on the importance of the Texas Folklore Society in my life, and this seems about as good a place to start as any.

Buck was a quiet man with a wry sense of humor, a Choctaw in his mid-seventies who never seemed to mind that his quips went unnoticed by many. He was tall by Choctaw standards, over six feet, with a growing paunch and thick eyeglasses. I met Buck seven years ago at the Choctaw Storytelling Festival in Eufala, Oklahoma, an event whose primary purpose is the recording of elders’ memories.

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“Give the World a Smile Each Day.” What’s Going On? (In Modern Texas Folklore) PTFS XL, 1976

Edited by Kenneth L. Untiedt and Kira E. Mort University of North Texas Press PDF

Give the World a Smile Each Day

[Originally, photographs and text by Francis Edward



I’ve been doing some serious looking around in the world of religious music, and I believe that modern gospel music is pulling ahead of the rest. University campuses are fielding large groups of young people singing modern up-beat religious songs that have a cool sound and a lot of youthful exuberance, but both the songs and the singers need some seasoning before they can be considered as influential factors in church singing. My favorite religious music,

Sacred Harp, hangs on with celestial tenacity, but it is rare and hard to find. I gave up on First Church singing years ago. Singing there is a formality presided over by huge multi-throated monsters of braying brass that drown out all attempts at human singing and the making of joyful noises. That leaves the field to gospel music and its singers, whose numbers are considerable and increasing.

Gospel music is hard to define for the non-gospel listener, but the Sunday singers know exactly what the music will be when they read that the county singing convention “urges all lovers of gospel music to attend” the fourth-Sunday singing. They know that gospel music is not “a passage from one of the four Gospels, chanted at

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1 - New Wineskins or New Wine? The Evolution of Ecumenical Humanitarian Assistance

NoContributor Indiana University Press ePub

The Evolution of Ecumenical Humanitarian Assistance

Elizabeth G. Ferris

THIS IS THE story of the global ecumenical movement and the way it has structured its philanthropic action in response to the needs of the world—and the needs of its members. In particular, it is the story of six decades of the World Council of Churches (WCC) and its many related organizations as they have grappled with the question of Christian responsibility to the poor and needy, to refugees, and to victims of floods, tsunamis, and earthquakes. The focus of this essay is on ecumenical humanitarian response—a term that perhaps needs some unpacking. An “ecumenical response” is one in which churches work together in their humanitarian action and see themselves as part of the global movement toward Christian unity. “Humanitarian response” refers to those actions toward people in immediate need or for people who are victims of conflicts, natural disasters, or oppressive governments. In its ideal form, humanitarian work is shaped by the basic principles of humanity, independence, impartiality, and neutrality.

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Medium 9780253015693

4 Contesting Landscapes of Wealth: Oil Platforms of Possibilities and Pipelines of Conflict

Omolade Adunbi Indiana University Press ePub

IN OCTOBER 2010, Chevron launched a new global campaign titled “We Agree,” aimed at highlighting what the corporation considers to be “the common ground Chevron shares with people around the world on key energy issues” and “the actions the company takes in producing energy responsibly and in supporting the communities where it operates.” The campaign focused on Chevron’s commitment and leadership in five key areas: growth and jobs, renewable energy, technology, small business, and community development.1As part of the campaign, thirty-second advertisements were shown on major television and cable networks in the United States, in Europe, and around the world. One of them focuses on Chevron’s community development initiatives in Angola. The advertisement, featuring an Angolan student and a Chevron engineer also from Angola, claims that oil corporations are making a difference in Angola by providing jobs, schools, and health-related programs in communities where the corporation operates. It concludes with the student and the engineer agreeing that with Chevron, they are hopeful about their country’s future. This advertisement aired often on the ABC and NBC national networks and their local affiliates, CNN and CNN International, MSNBC, Fox News, and other television stations in the United States.2 Clips are also posted on YouTube and are sometimes returned by an online search for “oil.”

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Medium 9781576754498

9 Slums—The Incubator for New Income Opportunities

Polak, Paul Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

WHEN HE WAS EIGHTEEN, DROUGHT RAVAGED HIS VILLAGE, SO Samsuddin traveled from Tirukoyoor in Tamil Nadu to his uncle’s home in Bombay. He expected to arrive at a house in the big city, but found himself instead in the middle of a swamp in a slum called Dharavi.46 Like so many others who migrate from the village, he was looking for a job so he could survive. He found one in his uncle’s rice-smuggling business. There was a tax on grain brought into Bombay from outside the city limits, so every morning, Samsuddin, his uncle Hassain, and his three cousins traveled out of the city, bought as much rice as they could carry, at a cost of one rupee and fourteen annas per pound, and hauled it through the swamp to sell at Kalyanwadi for ten rupees per pound.

These are healthy margins. If each of the smugglers carried twenty-five pounds a day, this little enterprise was bringing in the equivalent of twenty-five dollars a day at the rupee exchange rate of the 1950s, a significant amount. His uncle probably didn’t pay him much, but food and a place to sleep meant everything to Samsuddin.

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11 Attributions of Evil among Haalpulaaren, Senegal

Foreword by David Parkin Edited by Will Indiana University Press ePub


The linguistic root bon in Pulaar, the main language spoken in northern Senegal, is usually translated in English by words related to the concept of evil. Thus the noun bone means “evil,” and as an adjectival root it denotes the “evil eye,” as in yiitere bonde, or “malicious or evil speech,” konngol bonngol, or “evil gait,” yaadu bondu. However, the semantic field marked out by terms that share the same linguistic root is broad, and it encompasses terms that English speakers would denote by the two separate words evil and bad. So bonde is the verb “to be bad or evil,” and the adjective bondo can be used to denote a bad or evil person (neddo bondo), or one who is also hostile, nasty, mean, and wicked. The Pulaar root bon has yet further extensions and associations: the noun bonande refers to “damage, mess, waste, tragedy and destruction,” and bonnude is a verb meaning “to spoil, tarnish, impair, pervert, spoliate.” This single root bon refers therefore not merely to the idea of evil/bad but also embraces notions of physical incompleteness, unwholesomeness, and physical imperfection.

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Medium 9780253021250

3 Opening Their Eyes: Performance of a Shared Protestant-Israeli Bible Land

Jackie Feldman Indiana University Press ePub

EARLY IN THE morning of their first day in Jerusalem, the guide Galia takes her Protestant pilgrims to view the panorama from atop the Mount of Olives. Choosing a spot overlooking the Muslim Dome of the Rock, Arab East Jerusalem, and the Old City but out of earshot of the Palestinian vendors of postcards and camel rides, she begins her orientation to the city. In an interview, she explained her approach: “I start with Abraham and Melchizedek and go through the Six-Day War. . . . I deal with the view, the Temple, what you see there – the Valley of Jehosaphat and the Gate of Mercy. . . . For me, this is a mission. I aim to open their eyes, so they ask questions. Nothing is the way it seems” (interview, June 2001).

How do Jewish guides enable Protestant pilgrims to see the Bible Land? What is effaced from view? What makes these ways of seeing natural and comfortable for all participants? In this chapter, I will show how Jewish-Israeli tour guides and Protestant pastors and pilgrims become coproducers of a mutually satisfying performance that transforms the often-contested terrain of Israel-Palestine into Bible Land. Through listening to guides’ narrations of biblical sites as they view them and move through them, visitors are constituted as pilgrims and assert a claim to the landscape, and the guide is granted place-making authority as biblical witness, native, and professional.

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Medium 9780253002150

1 Kaguru and Colonial History: The Rise and Fall of Indirect Rule

T. O. Beidelman Indiana University Press ePub

Ukaguru has a special colonial history in that it embodies a number of firsts.1 Ukaguru is the site of some of the earliest European settlements in mainland Tanzania and is where the first white child was born on the mainland. These settlements involved Church Missionary Society people (CMS), who founded one of the earliest missions in East Africa in Ukaguru. This mission station was founded because it lay on the caravan route that the missionaries took to reach their main goal for conversion, the great African kingdoms far to the west in what is now Uganda. For similar reasons Ukaguru was the site of the first major Arab inland fort set up to protect the caravan trade going westward. Obviously the early precolonial history of Ukaguru was above all determined by the caravan trade. During the era of the great East African caravans in the second half of the nineteenth century, Ukaguru lay along what became the main central route for those setting out from the ports of Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and Sadani to the great and rich, populous areas around the distant great inland lakes. Most famous early European travelers inland passed through Ukaguru—Stanley, Burton, Speke, and many others. Stanley described the Kaguru as amiable, at least where they had not been frequently raided by Arabs or by other Africans, and provided one of the best accounts of the Kaguru’s early appearance (1872:247–249). Misleadingly, the early CMS missionary Roger Price wrote home in 1877 to his supervisors: “If there is anywhere a country so near the equator as this where Europeans can live and enjoy health—this must be it” (quoted in A. Smith 1955:8). The frequent deaths of early missionaries to this area proved him wrong. Early travelers’ accounts dwelled on how green and beautiful the Kaguru mountain area was. Stanley called it “picturesque and sublime,” comparing it to the Alleghanies (1879, I:91). None of these visitors except the missionaries stayed, so that there are few early accounts of any true sociological value.

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Medium 9780253007445

6. Trashy Women: Karmen Gei, l’Oiseau Rebelle

Kenneth W. Harrow Indiana University Press ePub

From the California Newsreel blurb about Joseph Gaye Ramaka’s film:

Karmen Gei is an adaptation of Bizet’s Carmen. Joseph Gaï Ramaka writes, “Carmen is a myth but what does Carmen represent today? Where do Carmen’s love and freedom stand at the onset of the 21st Century? Therein lies my film’s intent, a black Carmen, plunged in the magical and chaotic urbanity of an African city.” Here Karmen transgresses every convention. Like every Carmen, Karmen Gei is about the conflict between infinite desire for freedom and the laws, conventions and human limitations that constrain the desire. (http://newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc=CN0134)

The first thing one notices about this version of Carmen is that the music is original, largely consisting of jazz tracks and Wolof music, nothing like that of Bizet. But the plot is closer to that of the opera, and some of its best-known lyrics do follow those of the opera, including the well-known habanera. Our Karmen first appears in prison where she dances for the inmates and especially the female warden, Angelique. Angelique cannot resist Karmen’s charms, and after a sexually charged rendezvous between the two, Karmen leaves the prison. There the plot loosely follows that of the Bizet version. She seduces the army corporal charged with imprisoning her, enlists him in her gang, and carries out drug deals and break-ins. He is turned away from his former life as officer headed for social success to that of an outlaw, lost to the wiles of Karmen. What ensues is a series of episodes in which Karmen establishes her independence from all men, asserting her adherence to the famous habanera line “love is a bird that cannot be tamed.” In the end, in defiance of the threat of death, she remains true to her ideal of freedom and is killed by the jealous corporal Lamine.

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Medium 9780253356987

2. “Go Teach”: Methods of Change

Sonja Luehrmann Indiana University Press ePub

[M]aterial force must be overthrown by material force; but theory, too, becomes a material force when it takes hold of the masses.

—Karl Marx, “Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right: Introduction”

The task of the methodician is to link theory with practice.

—A. V. Fomina, methodician at the Center for Folk Creativity, Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Marij El, April 2005

And so go, teach all peoples, baptizing them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit.

—Matthew 28:19 (Russian Synodal Bible translation)

Political decision makers in Moscow were anxious to have life on the Middle Volga conform to a vision of union-wide social solidarity, but they were not always interested in the intricacies of local religious life as reported by Commissioner Nabatov. In the academic world, the empirical sociologists of the 1960s and ’70s were also often criticized for burrowing too deeply into accidental facts instead of finding ready-made answers in Marxist-Leninist philosophy.1 Both Nabatov and the sociologists found a more responsive audience among a particular group of applied intellectuals: instructors whose task was to assimilate knowledge about religion for the purpose of promoting an atheist society. In 1950, Nabatov was invited to join first the Mari division of the All-Union Society for the Dissemination of Political and Scientific Knowledge, then its newly founded atheist section. Although the Council for Religious Cult Affairs prohibited its commissioners from openly engaging in atheist propaganda, he prepared the texts of several lectures on Mari religious life for the society and for the lecturers deployed by the regional party committee, materials which were then used by other activists.2 The sociologist Viktor Solov'ev, born in 1934 in a Mari village in a northeastern district, started his public career as a teacher and lecturer for the regional party committee. After obtaining his academic degrees, he served for a long time as the liaison between the party lecturers and the Knowledge Society. Both men thus combined political ambitions with an interest in understanding the social implications of religious traditions, and both found receptive partners among propagandists of atheism.

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Medium 9780253205667

A Maya Whistle

Felicitas D. Goodman Indiana University Press ePub

In tomb 23 on the Rio Azul in Guatemala, archeologists came across a figurine representing a young man (pl. 65). He is sitting cross-legged and has his arms folded over his chest. The posture is also seen in a warrior from a classical Maya site at Jaina, on the western coast of the peninsula of Yucatán. Two features, however, distinguish the Rio Azul figurine from the Jaina one. The man from the Rio Azul has his tongue between his lips, and the figurine is a whistle.

When we did the posture for the first time in Cuyamungue in the summer of 1986, one participant was advised to heal a split in her body, another one was to guard something, and Isi was told, rather severely, “If you don’t have any questions now, come back when you do.” Although there were also other kinds of visions, of a hammock, of finely decorated pots, “as if from Mimbres,” of potsherds scattered about, we still decided mainly because of Isi’s report that the posture was intended for divining. However, when we did the posture once more in Columbus in November 1986 with a rather large group, Belinda was informed emphatically that divination was not what the Spirits had in mind: “No—that won’t happen here.”

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12 Repossession: Ogun in Folklore and Literature

SANDRA T BARNES Indiana University Press ePub

Donald J. Cosentino

The degree to which Ogun may be comprehended as a single deity with a common c.v., a particular iconography, a unique role in a complex cosmology has by no means been established by scholars of Yoruba religion(s). To be sure, the corpus of Ifa verse and other oral poetic texts, geographically rooted festivals, genealogical myths, and rituals largely controlled by initiated priesthoods have all worked to establish some consistent dimensions for the orisha on his home turf. But even there his uniqueness is contested, as Karin Barber noted: “Like other orisha, Ogun is distinct and yet not distinct, participating in a spectrum of and capabilities shared by the whole array of spiritual beings. The feature [most] commented upon, for example—Ogun’s internal fusion of destructive and creative qualities—is in fact a central characteristic of all orisha, to different degrees and in varying proportions. Many of the specific qualities attributed to Ogun in oral poetry are attributed, in the same imagery, to other orisha as well. He exists in a complex shifting configuration of relationships, sometimes overlapping, sometimes separated, in some towns occupying one role, in others another” (1990:290).

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5. Organized Efforts in Behalf of Civil Rights

Christopher Robert Reed Indiana University Press ePub

I, personally, am ready to abandon everything that is Jim Crow because it has certainly been proven that “we can by being separate demonstrate our greatness and break down the barriers” is a washout. It has reinforced the barriers. I am committed to the “whole loaf or none at all” policy. The half loaf is getting too small via the Jim Crow and separatist route.

—A. C. MacNeal, Chicago NAACP president

From previous discussions, it might appear that the only activities in the Black Metropolis during the early Depression were economic in character. However, not all problems or interests in the faltering Black Metropolis were economic, or even derived from economic root causes. In fact, there were activities that involved campaigns against civil rights violations, police brutality, exclusion from the planned world’s fair, and housing restrictions. Though it was out of step early, at least programmatically, in economic protest, the Chicago NAACP took the lead in non-economic activism. This effort occurred while the black focus during these transformative years remained steadily fixed on economic solutions to material problems. At the same time, the NAACP’s focus on realizing full citizenship rights and leveling the playing field of competitive employment opportunities never faltered. The goal of improving economic conditions and that of seeking full opportunities to advance materialistically while enjoying the rights of American citizenship together formed a dual agenda that divided group energies.

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1 The Collapse and Reemergence of Private Philanthropy in China, 1949–2012

Jennifer Ryan Indiana University Press ePub

Wang Zhenyao and Zhao Yanhui

In order to better understand the opportunities and challenges for contemporary health philanthropy in China, this chapter aims to provide a brief overview of the evolving relationship between health care, philanthropy, and the state since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. It first considers the period 1949–1977, which saw the creation of a state health care system, as well as an increasingly antagonistic governmental stance toward philanthropy, which was perceived as antithetical to the socialist project. Next it discusses the rehabilitation of health philanthropy from 1978 to 2003. This period was characterized by the recognition that health philanthropy could play a crucial role in compensating for an increasingly insufficient state health care system. Various laws were enacted that facilitated the gradual revitalization of health philanthropy, with nongovernmental organizations developing alongside governmental ones, and international involvement increasing throughout the period. The overview is completed by a summary of developments since 2004, the year in which the Fourth Plenary Session of the 16th CCP Central Committee explicitly recognized the importance of the development of philanthropy to the state social security system. The chapter then concludes by identifying certain significant challenges for the current development of health philanthropy in China and offering some predictions for the future.

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Medium 9781574411584

Chapter Thirteen: Calling ourselves free

Gloria Feldt with Carol Trickett Jennings University of North Texas Press PDF

I entered the little two-room, donated office in the American Bank building in downtown Odessa, Texas. Gray steel furniture, no windows. But it was downright luxurious compared to the makeshift classrooms in a Catholic parish hall where I had taught Head Start classes.

And a big step up from Patsy Berry’s Midland, Texas, garage full of donated condoms and foam where the agency had gotten its start. I was excited and filled with anticipation and eager to get started.

Staff in the “executive office” consisted of me and Mary, a plump, cheery bookkeeper with big hair and a sign on her desk that read

“Sexretary.” A bright pink and white button on my desk admonished us to “Love Carefully” in those rounded Peter Max letters of the day.

Good advice, I thought.

In my office were two boxes of Dalkon Shield IUDs and a note from my predecessor that I should send them back to the manufacturer and get a refund. Other than that, I was pretty much on my own.

The search committee had hired me the night President Nixon resigned. They must have been distracted, or maybe they were just desperate for someone who was a stable resident of West Texas and would stay in the job for more than a year, which had been the tenure of each of the last three executives. I had no health care or administrative experience. I did have a glowing letter of recommendation from my Head Start boss, Mildred Chaffin, written at her suggestion shortly before she died much too young of breast cancer. This would be pure on-the-job training.

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