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4 Education, Association, and an Independent Press

Jones, Hilary Indiana University Press ePub

Colonial cultures were never direct translations of European society planted in the colonies, but unique cultural configurations, homespun creations in which European food, dress, housing and morality were given new political meanings in the particular social order of colonial rule.

—Ann Laura Stoler, “Rethinking Colonial Categories:
European Communities and the Boundaries of Rule.”

In the late nineteenth century, as France engaged in wars of conquest and consolidated control over the states of the Senegal River valley and the peanut basin, some within the métis population joined the Alliance Française, an organization founded to protect and support the spread of French language and culture. Others joined the Masonic lodge and founded newspapers with an anticlerical point of view. They espoused the virtues of the republic in their newspapers, celebrated Bastille Day, joined rifle clubs, and held annual regattas on the Senegal River. Although the métis attended French schools, adopted French dress, and identified closely with the ideals espoused by the Third Republic, they also transformed these cultural idioms to serve their purposes. They solidified their role as the predominant French-educated and professional elite of Senegal’s colonial capital.

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Chapter 10: Sports

Richard J. Gonzales (author) UNT Press PDF

Chapter 10

Sports

Watching the Texas Rangers and St. Louis Cardinals in the 2011 World

Series Games always raised fans’ excitement. This was especially true for residents of Arlington, Texas—my residence and the location of the

Texas Rangers baseball team. Despite going to the World Series twice in a row and losing twice in a row, the Rangers stirred our hearts. Latinos in

North Texas were especially overjoyed to see Nelson Cruz, Adrián Beltré,

Elvis Andrus, and Yorvit Torrealba play marvelously for the Rangers.

Latinos have infused baseball with a dynamism not seen since the days of Babe Ruth and Lou Gehrig. Baseball has transformed to béisbol and we’re all joyous for the change.

Latino cheers for Roberto Clemente, Luis Aparicio, and Juan Marichal still resonate. For Latino players, beisbol is the field of American Dreams.

The diamond is literally the level playing ground where their bats, gloves, and speed shine.

Despite slim chances, Latino players hone their throwing, hitting, and running skills and try out in droves to play ball. Encouraged by American scouts and the lure of money, Caribbean players compete to get into the big leagues. Most don’t succeed and return to struggle on their tropical

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Chapter 2 - Guardians of the Living: Characterization of Missing Women on the Internet

Trevor J. Blank Utah State University Press ePub

ELIZABETH TUCKER

As Richard A. Lanham suggests in The Electronic Word, the World Wide Web facilitates information-sharing that is both fluid and democratic (1993, 106). One important kind of information-sharing occurs on websites devoted to women who have disappeared, probably because of violent death. Since the Internet became popular in the early 1990s, it has served as a locus for predation and consolation, as well as expressions of confusion and resolution. The Internet theorist Sherry Turkle explains that all of us who spend time on the World Wide Web become “dwellers on the threshold between the real and the virtual, unsure of our footing, inventing ourselves as we go along” (1995, 10). So it is not surprising that websites about missing women have developed folkloric patterns. Rumors about sightings of the missing woman comprise one form of folklore. Another pattern is the “missing woman” or “missing child” hoax. A website about the disappearance of the nonexistent girl Penny Brown, for example, is still available on the World Wide Web (“Missing Child”). Articles about University of Wisconsin student Audrey Seiler, who faked her own abduction in the spring of 2004, contribute to the impression that one should not necessarily believe what one reads online.

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8 The Rootedness of a Community of Xoraxané Roma in Rome / Marco Solimene

ISABELLA CLOUGH MARINARO Indiana University Press ePub

Roma groups who originally came from Yugoslavia have been present in the Rome area for decades.1 Some settlements (for example, the Casilino 900 or Via Candoni camps)2 represent historically constituent elements of the outskirts of Rome, but a considerable number of Roma are to be found in small and transient settlements, dispersed among the interstices of the urban area and in spaces left empty by the people and institutions of Rome (see also Cervelli, chapter 3). The Roma, with their settlements under bridges and on the banks of the Tiber and the Aniene Rivers, their camper vans and caravans parked in wasteland, cross the city and live their lives among Romans. The Romans, for their part, have often viewed (and still view) this “otherness”—brazenly close and unpleasantly recognizable as “the gypsies”—as an alarming invasion.

The model adopted in most of the discourse on “nomads” in Italy is one that “degypsifies” society, both practically and symbolically. On the one hand, it is asserted as a matter of ideology that the Roma are separate from the history and the social fabric of the territory that offers them “hospitality”; on the other hand, policies concerning the Roma seem to be inspired primarily by a model of “inclusion by means of exclusion.” A glaring example of this are the nomad camps that, like all types of camp, mark the separation between those who live in them, human rubbish that cannot be recycled, and mainstream society.3 Yet Italy is anything but degypsified: The Roma are not only “part of the landscape,” but also a continuing source of interactions that are more or less wanted, sporadic, personal, or confrontational. The Roma’s relational networks, far from being closeted within a form of collective isolation, extend into networks of Italians and, in some instances, are kept up for many years. Thus, there seems to be a close and durable relationship between specific groups and specific territories. To speak of the Roma in terms of their being alienated from Rome and the Romans means ignoring one of the important dimensions of the Roma presence in a territory: their stability.

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Two: What Causes Overwhelm?

van Dernoot Lipsky, Laura Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

The litany of factors contributing to our sense of overwhelm is long. We’ll uncover some of the contributors here, but the point is this: The conditions for overwhelm exist for every one of us, whether we were born into them, walk consciously into them, or they descend upon us. But being aware of the many directions from which waves of overwhelm may come can help prepare us to navigate those waves with more self-compassion and prowess. And if we are lucky . . . grace.

It’s a new anti-depressant—instead of swallowing it, you throw it at anyone who appears to be having a good time.”

I don’t think we can have too much humility and compassion toward ourselves and others as we consider what may cause overwhelm. I learn over and over through my work with trauma survivors just how deeply personal and subjective our experiences are about everything from feeling maxed out to actually being traumatized. Psychiatrist Dr. Mark Epstein reminds us that, “Trauma is not just the result of major disasters. It does not happen to only some people. An undercurrent of trauma runs through ordinary life, shot through as it is with the poignancy of impermanence.”

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Medium 9781574412772

THE TEXAS FOLKLORE SOCIETY:GETTING THERE IS HALF THE FUN

Kenneth L. Untiedt, editor University of North Texas Press PDF

THE TEXAS FOLKLORE SOCIETY:

GETTING THERE IS HALF THE FUN by Lee Haile

One of the things that I have always liked about being a member of the Texas Folklore Society is the fact that the annual meetings are always in a different place within the state each year. Ever since our family’s first meeting in 1982 in Fredericksburg, we have looked forward to the TFS meeting in the spring. But for us, getting there is half the fun—or challenge—depending on how you look at it.

That first meeting I was still in college at A&M in College Station. I was asked by Dr. Silvia Grider to present a paper on folktoys. This stemmed from a demonstration of folktoys that I gave to the folklore class I was in the year before that Dr. Earnest Speck taught at Sul Ross in Alpine. Even going to that first meeting had its challenges. I missed a big lab test in my major (entomology) on that Friday. I had OK’d it with my grad student lab teacher, but that didn’t fly with the professor whose reputation as a hardnose was legendary in the entomology department. When I came back,

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Medium 9781607320906

CHAPTER 4. The Lay of the Land POWER, MEANING, AND THE SOCIAL IN LANDSCAPE ANALYSIS

William Walker University Press of Colorado ePub

Maria O’Donovan

The surge of interest in landscape within the last two decades has stemmed largely from the theoretical interests of post-processualism and Marxism. With few exceptions, archaeologists have constructed landscape as an alternative to processualist archaeology’s instrumentalist approaches to human-environment interaction (see Knapp and Ashmore 1999). The primary emphasis of landscape studies has been on meaning, symbolism, and cosmology, which represents a shift from material to ideal considerations. This development has corrected a long-held imbalance in archaeology, but we must be careful not to create new limitations by overemphasizing meaning. The material world was an equally important part of everyday life in the past and was integrated with that which was meaningful. Contemporary methods and theories for reconstructing meaning also present significant challenges to the integration of social scales and the collection of appropriate data.

A possible solution lies within a multi-scalar, dialectical framework for landscape that focuses on social totality. It is only through the totality of social relations that dichotomies are united, giving us a more comprehensive understanding of landscape. The dialectics of the social totality integrate what are often considered disparate and oppositional entities, including meaning, production, ritual, ideology, and environmental factors. Social relations take place at many scales—including those of the individual, social groups, and structural institutions—and are integrated across these scales. Individual experience is lived within this relational framework, and only within these relations does experience become truly meaningful. Embedded within the totality of social relations, landscape is a powerful interpretive tool, one on which we can no longer afford to place theoretical limitations.

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CHAPTER 10: PEOPLE POWER REBELLION

Korten, David C. Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Britain was forced not to give, grant, concede, or release our independence, but to acknowledge it, in terms as clear as our language afforded, and under seal and under oath.1

John Adams

The American colonies were products of imperial expansion, and they replicated the imperial social structures of plutocracy and theocracy of the European nations that created them. From the beginning, however, there were also important counterforces at work that fostered a rebellious spirit, favored religious pluralism, and prepared the way for a people to walk away from their king, discover their common identity, and form a new nation bathed in the rhetoric of liberty and justice for all.

There were early exceptions to the narrow and brutal Calvinist and Episcopalian sectarianism. Some settlers, particularly the Quakers, came to North America with a truly democratic consciousness tolerant of religious diversity, at least within the boundaries of the Protestant faith, and a concern for the rights of all.

William Penn, who founded Pennsylvania, was a Quaker who had spent time in prison in England for his religious beliefs. Penn populated the lands granted to him by royal charter by appealing to religious dissenters from across Europe with the promise of land and religious liberty. He attracted Quakers and Baptists from England, Huguenots from France, and Pietist and Reformed groups out of favor with Lutheran or Catholic princes in Germany. Pennsylvania and New Jersey, which were both predominantly Quaker, welcomed all persons of Protestant faith, but excluded atheists and non-Christians—a category that by their reckoning included Catholics.

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Chapter X Towards a Pragmatic Relation With the Audience

Floriane Place-Verghnes John Libbey Publishing ePub

“Pragmatics”? This seemingly highbrow, fearsome term does in fact not conceal much at all. Its first occurrence (with the meaning I grant it) may be found in a diagram by literary critic M.H. Abrams185:

A work of art is linked to the artist who produced it, to the universe it represents, and to the audience who receives it.

“Pragmatics” should therefore be understood as the science that deals with the relationships between the addresser and the addressee of a message (i.e. the cartoonist and his audience).

For a spectator unacquainted with Tex Avery’s style, guessing what gag is to come next is rather difficult; however, after watching several cartoons, the same spectator can virtually build the story by himself. He has thus attained a certain degree of activity, since he is no longer a passive cartoon-watcher, but a cog in the plot-making process. The Model Spectator can be either the virtual concept of an idealised addressee (the spectator the cartoonist had in mind when he created his cartoon) or its realised version (an actual viewer who is extremely familiar with the corpus). I have not elaborated this concept – based on literary criticism – for the mere sake of theory, but for the insight they offer in terms of reception theory.186 It would be very wrong indeed to level Tex Avery’s audience regardless of their differences. The following part will hence concentrate on the Model Spectator who can build the plot through his – later fulfilled – expectations, as opposed to the Naïve Spectator’s (or first-time viewer’s) “disappointed” expectations. What are the factors that enable such a transformation of the spectator into an active participant? The activity of the Model Spectator of Tex Avery’s cartoons seems to result from the combination of connivance with the cartoonist and distancing from the cartoon (so as to get a better understanding of its overall unity), both factors being initiated by the cartoonist.

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2 Métis Society and Transformations in the Colonial Economy (1820–70)

Jones, Hilary Indiana University Press ePub

Whereas a self-conscious métis population emerged in the second half of the eighteenth century, the social, economic, and demographic conditions that allowed for the consolidation of métis identity occurred in the early nineteenth century. By the 1820s, métis habitants constituted a veritable oligarchy. They obtained a level of economic success that set them apart from Muslim traders and grumets. Métis habitants were chosen to serve on the governor’s advisory council, as mayor of the town, and also in the General Council, a short-lived electoral body established in the 1830s. In 1848, métis habitant Durand Valantin represented Senegal in Paris when the Second Republic established a seat.1 Signares continued to play key roles as property owners and labor recruiters in the towns, but the economic foundations of métis society increasingly centered on male-headed trade houses that controlled the gum trade in the ports on the north bank of the Senegal River. People of mixed race used their access to metropolitan capital, their familiarity with French industry, and their knowledge of the landscape and customs of Senegal’s interior to establish the most highly capitalized trade houses among Saint Louis residents before 1850.

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5 The Warmth of a Mother’s Touch: Maternal and Child Health

Bing, Eric Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Sadiki lay in pain, exhausted, on the floor of her home in Malindi, a rural village in Kenya. She had been in labor for more than twenty hours. She wondered why this birth was so much more difficult than her previous one. Maybe it was because her husband had been by her side back then. But after a roadside accident made her a widow at twenty-four with a set of twins at home and a baby on the way, all of life seemed different.

After her husbands death, Sadiki received aid from the Caris Family Foundation, an international NGO focused on helping single mothers develop health and business skills. Entrepreneurial by nature and now even more motivated, she began mastering skills and dreamed of opening a small daycare center after the baby was born.

But for now, her only desire was to end the pain.

This baby seemed way too big. So much bigger, she thought, than her twinscombined. Maybe she shouldnt have listened to the community health workers suggestion to get prenatal care. Maybe the supplements theyd given her and the healthier food she was eating had made the baby too big for her small body to handle.

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1. Is It Folklore or History? The Answer May Be Important

Edited by Kenneth L. Untiedt University of North Texas Press PDF

1

IS IT FOLKLORE OR HISTORY?

THE ANSWER MAY BE IMPORTANT by Tom Crum

There is a great deal of history in folklore, and that’s good. There also is a great deal of folklore in history, and that’s not good. I suspect that many of you are either historians or folklorists. I am neither one. I am a lawyer, although I do have some friends in both camps. If you look around, you will be able to tell which people at this meeting are historians and which are folklorists. The folklorists are the ones who look smug and content. That is because they know that unless they are foolish enough to write about the history of folklore it’s impossible for them to make a mistake. They know that no one will ever accuse them of getting their facts wrong or of writing politically correct folklore and, of course, there is no such thing as revisionist folklore. If someone ever said that a folklorist got it wrong, all the folklorist has to say is, “that’s the way I heard it” and immediately he or she is off the hook and waiting for an apology. Sadly, it is not the same for historians; they are seldom off the hook and never receive apologies. It’s enough to make even folklorists sympathetic toward historians, and I am sure the more charitable ones are. I personally have never witnessed any concern on their part, but that may say more about the company I keep than folklorists as a group.

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7. Master and Mugu: Orientalist Mimicry and Cybercrime

Matthias Krings Indiana University Press ePub

ON FEBRUARY 14, 2009, I received an unsolicited email message offering me a once-in-a-lifetime chance to get rich. It read, in part: “I am Barrister Gerry Meyer, the attorney at law to Late Michael Krings, a national of your country, and a gold merchant here in Republic of Benin West Africa. Herein after shall be referred to as my client. On the 27th of May 2004, my client, his wife and their only child were involved in a car accident along Sagbama express-road. All occupants of the vehicle unfortunately lost their lives.” I was further informed that the late Michael Krings left a huge deposit with the “Banque Atlantique Benin,” which needed to be cleared soon lest it fall into government hands. The barrister continued:

Since I have been unsuccessful in locating the relatives for over two years now I seek your consent to present you as the next of kin of the deceased since you have the same last name so that the proceeds of this account valued at $18.5 million dollars can be paid to you and then you and me can share the money. 50% to me and 50% to you. I will procure all necessary legal documents that can be used to back up any claim we may make. All I require is your honest cooperation to enable us seeing this deal through. I guarantee that this will be executed under a legitimate arrangement that will protect you from any breach of the law.

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8 Happily Ever After: The Testament of Erotic Faith

Catherine M. Roach Indiana University Press ePub

In this last chapter, we arrive finally at a consideration of the romance novel’s ending. Here is the moment we’ve been waiting for: that delicious and often tear-jerking emotional resolution where everything works out for the story’s main characters. I often cry at the end of romance novels—indeed, I take it as a sign of a good book if the ending does make me cry. Do you know that opening scene of Romancing the Stone, where the romance novelist played by Kathleen Turner sits sobbing at her desk, typing out the final scene of her book? To the disgust of my boys, I confess to have done the same while working on my own novels.

In romance, this ending is crucial. One could argue that the romance story is defined by what insiders commonly refer to as the HEA. These initials stand for the Happily-Ever-After ending, which Romance Writers of America describes more fully on its website as the “emotionally satisfying and optimistic ending.” In this ending, the protagonists resolve their various internal and external conflicts so as to work out their differences. They come to an understanding of their love for each other and commit their lives to that love. As the RWA website further explains, “The lovers who risk and struggle for each other and their relationship are rewarded with emotional justice and unconditional love.” Stereotypically, this ending involves a hero and heroine declaring without reservation or irony their mutual love, getting married, and conceiving or bearing a child. Increasingly in contemporary romances, the protagonists may not marry and reproduce but will make some sort of deliberate decision to be together for the present. This “happy-for-now” ending—abbreviated as the HFN, as opposed to the HEA—applies often in gay and lesbian romances where only slowly is the option of marriage becoming a legal possibility, and in some erotic romances where marriage or a similar promise of lifelong commitment seems too sudden for the plotline or too bourgeois for the worldview of the novel. In all cases, the characters’ commitment to each other and to the central value of love brings to their lives a sense of deep happiness, personal fulfillment, and the ongoing promise of hot sex, even, as we’ve seen, if this sexual satisfaction is only implied.

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4. Intimate Ethics

Kathryn A. Rhine Indiana University Press ePub

4

Intimate Ethics

In 2006, I sat in a counseling office at an HIV clinic with Patience, a close friend and key informant. She had worked there for a year as a treatment support specialist. Her day-to-day activities consisted of escorting patients from the lab to the physician’s office to the pharmacy. Patience complained that the medical director had asked her to provide guidance on “living positively” to a distraught patient. They hoped Patience would share her personal experiences with her. Although some of the staff members knew she was HIV-positive, many of her clients did not. The hospital policies did not require her to disclose her status, and she resented being asked to do so.

Like many other patients, this young woman believed that her life was over. Patience confronted the client. She said, “Look at my face. Do you know if I am positive or negative?” The woman said she thought she was negative. She continued, “How do you know this?” The woman responded that it was because she was so fat. “In fact,” Patience countered, “I am positive … so you see, you can live healthy just like everyone, as long as you take your medicine every day.” The medical lesson was clear: if you adhere to your treatment regimen, you will remain healthy. However, Patience also imparted to her client a social lesson implicitly understood by all of the women in that clinic’s waiting room: beauty – displayed through a curvy, welldressed body and modest, yet self-assured, comportment – is deceptive.

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