1809 Chapters
Medium 9781574412222

1 “Planting the Institutions of Freedom”

Juan Francisco Martinez University of North Texas Press PDF

“Planting the Institutions of Freedom”

7

Protestant Views on the Mexican-American War

The war with Mexico occurred during a time of growing tension in the United States. Slavery was dividing the country;

Westward migration was moving the center of power from East to West; settlement of the Oregon Territory and the annexation of Texas heightened the possibility of war with Great Britain.

All of these events were occurring in the midst of a broader debate about the identity of the United States.2 Each of these issues colored people’s attitudes toward the Mexican-American

War and, for many, seemed to overshadow it in importance. For many Protestants the relationship of the war to these other issues was as important as the actual hostilities.

Opposition to the Mexican-American War

The strongest Protestant statements opposing the war with

Mexico appear in denominational periodicals and published sermons. These critical and often scathing denunciations reflect a wide range of concerns about the conflict. Nonetheless, few denominations issued official pronouncements against the war.

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1 The Sociology of the Frontier, or Why Peace Was Impossible

Michael Khodarkovsky Indiana University Press ePub

A party of 120 Russians arrived at the Yaik River to trade their grain for salt and fish with the Yaik Cossacks. They were returning to their village in the central Volga region when they were surprised by a war party of 600 Kazakhs and Karakalpaks. All were seized and taken away to become slaves and laborers. One of them, Mikhail Andreev, was able to escape from his Kazakh captor with two horses. Five days later he reached the Ufa District. There, in the steppe near the Yaik River, he was captured again, this time by a group of twenty Bashkirs, who took him to their village. For two months he was a slave of one of the Bashkirs until a Russian official, who arrived to collect yasak (a tribute or tax from the non-Christian population) among the Bashkirs, ransomed him for a silver-trimmed bridle, a pair of boots, and a fur hat. Later Andreev reported to the Russian officials that the Bashkirs were preparing to raid the Russian towns and that many Russians and Chuvash were still lingering in captivity there.1 The year was 1720.

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Medium 9780253347695

III. Miraculous Conceptions

Kathryn Allen Rabuzzi Indiana University Press ePub

To a degree, all images of childbearing, like those of any other action or event, are fictive. Elements of a purely imaginary nature creep in, raising the difficult issue of what is fact and what is fantasy. Most of us, however, in order to function, acknowledge a scale of fictiveness such that we call “fictive” the stories we read in novels, “factual” the fall that makes us break a leg. Although the novel may contain, or be based on, factual events, and the meaning we attach to the broken bones may well be imagined—as when one insists, “My leg was broken because I defied the odds and walked under a ladder on Friday the 13th, instead of staying home all day”—the divide between the two is nonetheless generally acknowledged, if only for convenience, in contemporary cultures. In the sense implied by this conventional distinction between something called “fact” and something called “fiction,” the images in this section are all more clearly fictive than their counterparts in the rest of the book. This category includes pseudocyesis, couvade, and adoption. Both pseudocyesis and couvade are physiological states in which a woman or a man, respectively, exhibits symptoms of pregnancy without actually being pregnant. These equally bizarre somatic conditions not only reflect, in differing ways, prevailing patriarchal attitudes toward childbearing, they also suggest ways of “reconceiving” it.

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Clement of Alexandria’s Logos Protreptikos: The Protreptics of Love

Mangina, Joseph Rowman & Littlefield Publishers ePub

Clement of Alexandria’s Logos Protreptikos: The Protreptics of Love

Andrew Hofer, O.P.

Indeed, the heavenly and truly divine erōs comes to people in this way. . . . What am I exhorting you to do? I urge you to be saved. Christ wants this; in one word, he freely grants you life.1

This selection from Clement of Alexandria’s Protreptikos indicates the intent of this greatest protreptic work of second-century Christianity, a work still relevant for evangelization as witnessed by the first paragraph of the 2013 papal encyclical Lumen Fidei.2 Clement exhorts the nations to accept salvation, the freely given life of Christ, offered out of divine love. While scholars have had an increasing interest in Clement, especially in identifying his philosophical sources and his engagement with Gnosticism, his protreptic key of persuasion in love through Christ has not been sufficiently appreciated.3 The Protreptikos sings of true love in a world of false loves.4 Love is its nearly constant subject matter, as it uses the term philia at least seventy-nine times in various grammatical forms, erōs at least thirty-four times in various grammatical forms, and agapē at least seventeen times in various grammatical forms.5 Yet, Clement’s understanding of love has been obscured, such as by a polemic against the use of erōs as authentically Christian.6

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3. The Sephardi Torah Guardians: Penetrating the Israeli State to Circumvent It

Nancy J. Davis Indiana University Press ePub

3

THE SEPHARDI TORAH GUARDIANS

Penetrating the Israeli State to Circumvent It

Shas is the only party we see in the street…. Shas does not disappear after elections…. There is more “soul” to their work.

—YEMINI-BORN SHAS SUPPORTER

BREAKING INTO POLITICS WOULD LOGICALLY seem to come after a movement has used institution-building to win popular support for its political program, as we saw in the case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. The Sephardi Torah Guardians, or Shas, in Israel shows otherwise. A Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) movement working to make Jewish religious law the sole law of the land in Israel,1 Shas is unique among the movements we chronicle in having entered party politics in the year of its founding, 1983.2 From its first parliamentary (Knesset) election, Shas became a kingmaker in Israeli coalition governments. The movement then used its lynchpin position to win government funding for a massive network of Haredi welfare and educational institutions that is almost entirely under its own control. Shas penetrated the Israeli state to bypass it.3

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