1112 Chapters
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The Trouble with Eve

Robert Flynn University of North Texas Press PDF

The Trouble with Eve j

America was in the third year of a world war. Young Carter was in his first year of confusion over girls. Everything they did was so . . . confusing. When a girl said he had long eyelashes he had rubbed them, not sure whether she meant a loose one was falling into his eye or that he was a sissy. He was sure “You have nice hair,” meant why don’t you wash it sometime and “cutest freckles” meant did all of them survive a washcloth?

When girls looked at him he couldn’t meet their eyes afraid of what his face would show. When they smiled at him he gaped at their lips. Why were their mouths so . . . different?

When they laughed, he fled. He also fled the presence of

Clarissa for fear of what he would do. Fall on the ground and kiss her feet probably.

Clarissa Bowman. Girls had such pretty names. Clarissa.

Bowman. He tasted the words with his mouth. Clarissa Bowman. He was given his mother’s maiden name, Young. Young

Carter. It made him want to cry. Why would anyone name a baby “Young?” It was bad enough being called “kid” when you were fourteen and the country was at war. New teachers called him Carter Young until he corrected them. Men said his name sounded like a law firm or a funeral parlor.

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3 Komšiluk and Taking Care of the Neighbor’s Shrine in Bosnia-Herzegovina

DIONIGI ALBERA Indiana University Press ePub


In the novel Lodgers by the Sarajevo writer Nenad Veličković (2005), the (Bosnian Muslim) curator of the City Museum who, during the siege of the city, lives with his family and some other incomers in the basement of the museum, is taking care of a collection of Orthodox icons; the narrator (his daughter) comments wryly that he is saving Serb icons from the Serbs who would like to destroy them in order to save them from the Muslims.

While saving cultural heritage of other ethnoreligious communities is not a very reliable indicator of the level of tolerance, it has an obvious relationship with taking care of others’ shrines. In this chapter, I focus on these latter practices, which I view as an aspect of a more general attitude toward the “familiar other” characteristic of a number of Bosnian contexts. Maintaining shrines belonging to neighbors of other religions when they are away, or offering help in building them, is viewed as a largely self-conscious act of recognition and valuation of their religion and their way of life. Several concepts used in anthropology come to mind here as a possible basis for a theoretically informed description of this attitude, among them culture (or cultural) and habitus. Both concepts, however, imply an overrating of the preconscious or unconscious dimension of behavior.

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Medium 9781523093984

2. Characteristics of Servant Leaders

Blanchard, Ken; Broadwell, Renee Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub


In the late 1960s, I had the privilege of spending the weekend with Robert K. Greenleaf shortly after he retired from AT&T and began writing about servant leadership. I was on the faculty of Ohio University in Athens, Ohio, at the time. Several years later I got to know Larry Spears, who, during his time as director of the Robert K. Greenleaf Center for Servant Leadership, became the premier student of Greenleaf’s writings. When you read Larry’s essay about the ten characteristics of a servant leader, you will see why his participation in this book was a must. —KB

THE WORDS SERVANT and leader are usually thought of as being opposites. In deliberately bringing those words together in a meaningful way in 1970, Robert K. Greenleaf, a retired AT&T executive, gave birth to the paradoxical term servant leadership. In doing so, he launched a quiet revolution in the way in which we view and practice leadership. In the decades since then, many of today’s most effective managers and top thought leaders are writing and speaking about servant leadership, as exemplified in this book.

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10 Verbis Indisciplinatis

CLAYTON SCOTT CROCKETT Indiana University Press ePub

Joseph Ballan

WHICHEVER CONTINENT, REAL or imagined, it is aligned with, philosophy of religion in the United States occupies a somewhat uneasy position alongside other disciplines and institutional arrangements. Scholars who work on or within Asian philosophical traditions find themselves facing much the same predicament as those who locate themselves somewhere within the vaguely post-phenomenological landscape called “Continental philosophy of religion.” To what disciplinary genus does this species of scholarship—which has also become a recognizable style of scholarship—belong? To philosophy? To religious studies? To theology? Perhaps to none of these options? In what follows, I would like to think about what this strange and perhaps uncomfortable distance from other modes of knowledge production might make possible. What kind of thought might be available precisely because of this lack of a proper home? To begin posing the question about what connects philosophy of religion to empirical approaches like sociology and anthropology, and to humanistic approaches like history and literary studies, what differentiates philosophy of religion from them, and what those connections and differentiations demand and entail for responsive and responsible scholarship, I appeal to Jacques Rancière’s concept of theoretical in-discipline.1 Before articulating exactly what indisciplinarity might mean, however, I shall sketch part of the background against which Rancière’s idea of indisciplinarity emerges, in order to suggest how it might be a fruitful challenge for scholars of religion to take up.

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Part Two Genders

Diane P Mines Indiana University Press ePub

Gender is, for all of us, a part of our identity and how we are socialized. It is implicated in the ways we approach action in the world and make judgments about those actions. It is part of how we organize ourselves into social groups. Experiences and attitudes about gender and what it is to be male, female, or transgendered are an aspect of almost anything we do—a central dimension of everyday life.

Important diversity, of course, exists in experiences of gender across South Asia. New social and economic realities impacting gender have emerged especially among India’s urban middle classes, in part spurred by the economic liberalization policies of the early 1990s: there has been a sizable increase of women in the professional workforce, a perceived decline in joint family living, and a widespread sense that younger women—especially if highly educated, older at marriage, and working—do not wish to move in with their in-laws. As we saw in the previous section, “love” marriages are also becoming more common. Many young South Asian women will marry someone of their own choosing, or never move in with their parents-in-law, or move abroad for professional work. Nonetheless, in rural and even urban South Asia, it is still very common and normal for a woman to progress over her life from being a daughter in her natal home, to a wife and daughter-inlaw in her husband’s and in-laws’ home, to a mother of young children, to a mother-in-law, and finally to an older woman and, frequently, a widow.

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