1809 Chapters
Medium 9781577311218

Chapter 14: Spiritual, Esoteric, and Evolutionary Philosophies

New World Library ePub

NOTE: The several different philosophies and organizations represented in this chapter are only a sampling of numerous systems that might also have been included. While each of these has its own character, including differences of belief and practice from the others, the groups or philosophies represented here seem to this Editor to have the following elements in common:

1. Belief in and promoting the spiritual evolution of both individuals and the human race within a new civilization, as part of a larger cosmic scenario

2. A focus on personal spiritual practice and experience, not on doctrines and dogma

3. Belief in the interpenetration of the material by the spiritual—thus they teach the spiritual or esoteric (hidden) meanings of experience, religions, and scriptures

4. A claim not to be a religion, though applauding the best ethics and wisdom from all religions; some encourage students to enrich their own traditions with insights derived from spiritual philosophy and from other religions

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4 “Yet Many Do Not Declare Themselves for Fear”

Juan Francisco Martinez University of North Texas Press PDF

“Yet Many Do Not Declare Themselves for Fear”


the Mexican Americans in the Southwest. A few tentative efforts were made in Texas and New Mexico, but they all ended by 1861 after a limited response from the Mexican American population, inadequate financial support for the missionaries, and the onset of the Civil War.


Sumner Bacon, a Cumberland Presbyterian, began working among Anglo American colonists in Mexican Tejas in 1829. In

1833 he secured a commission from the American Bible Society to distribute English and Spanish Bibles. He was able to distribute Spanish Bibles among several people, although apparently it violated Mexican law. Bacon found little support for this effort and there were no reported results.

When Texas became an independent republic in 1836, Old

School Presbyterians decided to consider it a foreign field. In

1839 the foreign mission board assigned William C. Blair to work among Mexicans in the southwestern part of the republic. Blair arrived in Texas in 1840 and settled in Victoria on the

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Conclusion: Possibilities of a World Become Female

Joyce Burkhalter Flueckiger Indiana University Press ePub


This ethnographic study of the goddess Gangamma and those who live her traditions has raised several questions that are woven throughout the book. First, what is the gendered nature of the gramadevata goddess who is characterized as ugra, as “too much to bear”? How does understanding this ugra goddess who wears a tali and has children, but no husband, reconfigure our analytic understandings of Hindu goddesses? How do her ritual and kinship relationships with the god on the hill, Sri Venkateshvara, cause us to reimagine analytic distinctions often made between gramadevatas and Sanskritic puranic traditions, as if they were hermeneutically sealed worlds? Second, what are the possibilities of gender created through Gangamma’s narratives and celebration of her week-long jatara, during which ultimate reality is imagined (for at least this week) as female, and males become women (or their masculinity is transformed) to be in her presence? Third, what is the experience of individuals who are in close relationship with this ugra goddess; what kinds of resources do Gangamma traditions offer them, and how are these shifting under pressures of increasingly dominant middle-class aesthetics and morality and the introduction of Sanskritic rituals and Brahman male priests at her Tatayyagunta temple? And finally, is the goddess herself changing with recent ritual, aesthetic, and personnel changes in her Tirupati temples? We get answers (or sometimes only cues) to these questions through analyses of a rich repertoire of Gangamma traditions in relationship one to the other: jatara, rituals, myths and legends, and the personal narratives and experiences of those who worship or “bear” the goddess.

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Main Part: Phenomenological Interpretation of Confessions; Book X

Martin Heidegger Indiana University Press ePub


Phenomenological Interpretation
of Confessions; Book X

§ 7. Preparations for the Interpretation

a) Augustine’s Retractions of the Confessions

Toward the end of his life, around 426 or 427 (he died in 430), Augustine wrote Retractionum libri duo. “Retractationes”—that is, a taking-up again of his Opuscula (libri, epistolae, tractatus), a re-examination judiciaria severitate [“with judicious severity”]1 in which he notes, corrects, and improves what, to him, now seems problematic. In the preface (prologus), where he thus determines the task of the Retractationes, he also gives an account of the motives which provoked this reassessment.

Illud etiam quod scriptum est, Ex multiloquio non effugies peccatum (Prov. X, 19) […] sed istam sententiam Scripturae sanctae propterea timeo, quia de tam multis disputationibus meis sine dubio multa colligi possunt, quae si non falsa, at certe videantur, sive etiam convincantur non necessaria. [It is also written there: “Much talking does not avoid sin” (Prov. 10:19)…But I fear this sentence of the Holy Scripture, for with so many writings of mine, one can without a doubt gather many passages which, if not false, may certainly be seen as, or convince one of being not necessary.]2

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6 Soviet Jews, 1967–1987: To Reform, Conform, or Leave?

Zvi Gitelman Indiana University Press ePub

The removal of Khrushchev by his erstwhile political protégés and subordinates in October 1964 did not immediately affect Soviet Jewry. The new party leader, Leonid Brezhnev, had made no public statements about Soviet Jewry and seemed content to maintain the status quo in policy. In a speech in Riga in 1965, Chairman of the Council of Ministers Alexei Kosygin did refer in passing to anti-Semitism, along with nationalism, racism, and “great-power chauvinism,” as “absolutely alien and contradictory to our world view.” In an interview with a foreign correspondent a year later he denied the existence of anti-Semitism in the USSR but said that “if some families wanted to meet or wanted to leave the Soviet Union, the road is open to them, and no problem exists here.”1 This remark caught the attention of some Soviet Jews, especially in Latvia and Lithuania, who had long thought about leaving for Israel. Indeed, while in the last year of Khrushchev’s rule only 539 visas were issued for emigration to Israel, in 1965 there were 1,444, and in the following year, 1,892. As word spread about departures for Israel, more people began to consider it a realistic possibility. At first it seems that they were mainly Zapadniki who had been involved with Zionist movements before the war and those who had close relatives in Israel. But there were larger trends developing that were to widen substantially the circles of those who would seriously consider leaving the USSR for Israel.

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