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Appendix A: Documents

Getz, Christine Indiana University Press PDF

Appendix A

Documents

Document 1.1

ASDM, Archivio San Celso Amministrazione, Sedute,

Registri 1583–1591, 46v (new 94).

8 Settembre 1585

Havendo il Reverendo sacrista di questa chiesa proposto il bisogno ch s’ha de libri per servigio del choro di detta chiesa, et exhibita nota de libri che li Reverendi Canonici di S. Nazaro di questa città hanno di vendere con liberi prezzi del tenere che segue

Nota della stima fatta delli cinque libri di carta connotta di canto di S. Nazaro di Milano

un’ salterio carte numero 275 la seraitura et ligatura in tutto

Libro del Advento carte numero 260.

Libro dominicale carte numero 258.

Libro della quadregessima carte numero 263.

Hanno ordinato che li sodetti signori Gian’ Battista Archinto, et Fossani s’informano del bisogno de questa chiesa qualità, et vero prezzo d’essi libri, è, poi, referiscanno.

Baldesar Adda Priore

September 8, 1585

The Reverend sacristan of this church, having related the need of books for use by the choir of this church, and been shown a list of books, which are as follows, that the Reverend Canons of San Nazaro of this city have for sale at liberal prices.

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1. Alone with God: Wiesel's Writings on the Bible

Edited by Steven T Katz and Alan Rosen Indiana University Press ePub

WIESEL'S WRITINGS ON THE BIBLE

JOEL ROSENBERG

BETWEEN 1976 AND 2004, Elie Wiesel published four books devoted partly or wholly to biblical retellings: Messengers of God in 1976, Five Biblical Portraits in 1981, Sages and Dreamers in 1991, and Wise Men and Their Tales in 2004.1 While, properly speaking, impossible to view in isolation from his other output of this period, this material in fact forms a meaningful chapter in the history of Jewish biblical interpretation, in addition to being writing that touches the soul. Around the time the last book was published, Wiesel, along with Harvard-based biblical scholar Frank Moore Cross Jr., participated in a joint interview for Biblical Archaeology Review conducted by its editor, Hershel Shanks.2 Cross was the quintessence of the historical-critical scholar, immersed in ancient Near Eastern epigraphy and Northwest Semitic pagan poetry, committed to archaeological research and scientific historical method. Here counterposed to him, as it were, was the Jewish storyteller, still bearing within himself the yeshiva bokher: the perspective of the Eastern European Jewish village—suspicious of “biblical criticism,” steeped in the rabbinic worldview, and cherishing the naive vision of childhood. (Wiesel's upbringing and education were in fact more complex than this profile implies, but I'll let this conception prevail for now.) “I'm interested,” said Wiesel in the interview, “in [the Bible's] layers of meaning, but my relation to it is much more an emotional one. It's been my passion almost from my youth. I want to go back to the child I used to be, and to read with the same naiveté.”3 Cross, for his part, spoke of the rabbinic realm, what he called “late Judaism,” as a place where “you can't even swing a cat without hitting three demons and two spirits.” (In this respect, I should add, he found it similar in outlook to the New Testament.)4

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6 Chinese Migrations and Pilgrimages around Prato (Italy) and Wenzhou (China)

Giacalone, F.; Griffin, K. CABI PDF

6 

Chinese Migrations and Pilgrimages around Prato (Italy) and Wenzhou (China)

Daniele Parbuono*

China-Europe Cultural Heritage Centre, Chongqing University of Arts and

­Sciences, Chongqing, China; Department of Filosofia, Scienze Sociali, Umane e della Formazione, Università degli Studi di Perugia, Perugia, Italy

Introduction

Religions, migrations, places of worship and pilgrimage are the keywords of this chapter, organized into two interconnected sections.1 In the first section I examine worship in a migration context, focusing attention on the city of Prato (Italy), which – after having doubled its population since the 1950s on the basis of a strong i­ nternal migration (workers coming from the South of Italy) – in recent decades has been faced with an exponential increase of population coming from abroad, in particular from the People’s Republic of China.

In this complex urban context, the ‘Tempio dell’Associazione Buddista della comunità cinese in Italia’ (Temple of the Buddhist Association of the Chinese community in Italy) is not only a fundamental meeting place for the Chinese living in the city, but – during the main feast days – welcomes ‘migrant pilgrims’ who come from neighbouring areas and other regions.

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12. From Custom Book to Folk Culture: Minhag and the Roots of Jewish Ethnography / Nathaniel Deutsch

Edited by Andreas Kilcher and Gabriella Indiana University Press ePub

Minhag and the Roots of Jewish Ethnography

NATHANIEL DEUTSCH

In 1891, Rabbi Abraham Sperling (1851–1921) of Lemberg—now Lviv in Ukraine and then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire—published his Hebrew language magnum opus, Sefer Ta’amei ha-Minhagim u-Mekorei ha-Dinim (Book of Reasons for Customs and Sources for Laws).1 The book rapidly became the rabbinic equivalent of a bestseller. During Sperling’s lifetime alone, at least six editions of the book were published, including a Yiddish translation in 1909; after his death, numerous official and bootleg versions were also published in various parts of Eastern Europe as well as in Germany, Hungary, the United States, and, most recently, Israel, likely making it the most widely produced book on Jewish custom in the modern period. Sperling’s decision to write the book and its subsequent popularity reflected historical and ideological developments within Ultra-Orthodox or Haredi Judaism, writ large. Indeed, as we will see, Sefer Ta’amei ha-Minhagim is notable for its catholic approach to Jewish customs, including material drawn from the responsa of leading rabbis such as Moses Sofer (also known as the Ḥatam Sofer) of Pressburg, generally considered the ideological father of the Haredi movement, as well as multiple Hasidic sources. Yet, as I will argue in this essay, the book was also connected to more secular currents in turn-of-the-century European Jewish culture, including the kinus (ingathering) phenomenon and the creation of Jewish ethnography and folklore studies, in which minhag (custom) became a central, if theoretically problematic, category.2

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Onan Comes In From the Cold

Robert Flynn University of North Texas Press PDF

Onan Comes In

From The Cold j

When John was born, his mother said, “It’s a boy.” When Roybal was born, she said, “Another boy.” When John was a child, his mother told friends, “He’s a good boy.” When Roybal was a child, she told strangers, “I wanted another child but not this one.”

In Chillicothe Middle School, John was called Big John.

John liked being called Big John. Roybal was called Roybal and boys stretched it out and accented the last syllable—

Royyyy-bullllll. Roybal hated his name although his mother said he was named after a movie star. When he got to college where there was a library, he discovered the movie star was

Royal Ballet.

In high school Big John made good grades because he was an athlete with boyish charm and joked with his teachers. He never did homework because he was too busy chasing balls, girls, or a good time. He scored high on exams because the smart kids passed him the answers to win his smile.

Roybal made bad grades because he was smarter than his brother or anyone else in his school but he wanted to be liked and the smartest kid was never liked. He never did homework because he already knew all that stuff. He aced exams but his teachers gave him bad grades because they thought he cheated.

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16 Everyday Life as Art: Thai Artists and the Aesthetics of Shopping, Eating, Protesting, and Having Fun

KATHLEEN M ADAMS Indiana University Press ePub

Sandra Cate

The collective shock of the 1997 economic crisis in Thailand stimulated a number of young artists to confront Thai social realities through installations and the “new media” of film and video, performances, and interactivity. With the collapse of the Thai baht currency, the promises of globalization had faltered and stereotypes of Asian economic prowess collapsed—a theme that artist Sutee Kunavichayanont explored literally in his interactive series Breath Donation (1997–2000) with inflatable silicone forms. Each form symbolized Thai national identity: a deflated “Asian tiger” referred to the name given the Asian economies that had boomed so wildly during the 1980s and 1990s, the water buffalo an icon of rice-growing Thailand, and the sagging elephant representing the nation itself and one of the most common motifs in Thai art and craft. Viewers blew through tubes to inflate the forms, giving them “life.” The flaccid elephant had to receive continuous “breath donations” to remain inflated, suggesting Thailand’s dependence on outside investments for its stability.

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CH 11 The Impact of the Islamic State if Iraq and Syria's Campaign on Yezidi Religious Structures and Pigrimage Practices

Leppakari, M.; Griffin, K.A. CABI PDF

11

The Impact of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria’s Campaign on Yezidi Religious Structures and Pilgrimage Practices

Ibrahim Al-Marashi*

California State University, San Marcos, USA

Introduction

The rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in the summer of 2014 disrupted the faith and pilgrimage practices of Iraq’s historically vulnerable minority communities. ISIS has created a homogenous neo-Salafi space through ‘religious cleansing’ of persons and physical structures, antiquity sites related to the pre-­

Islamic past, and religious structures used by minority and ‘heterodox communities’. The expulsion of Iraqi Christian Chaldeans from Mosul, the extermination and enslavement of Yezidi communities and the destruction of both communities’ religious structures, sites of local religious pilgrimage, is justified by the doctrinal beliefs of ISIS, but also serves a secular goal of consolidating recently conquered land. Expelling heterodox communities in the name of the faith eliminates potential ‘fifth columns’. ISIS’ allegations of Yezidis as ‘devil worshippers’ and the images of the destruction of their sites also gains approval of ISIS’ inner core of supporters. The choreographed and mediated destruction of these sites concurrently generates coverage by international media, communicating ISIS’ deliberate rejection of the Western liberal state and normative notions of protecting minority rights. The dismantling of the Iraqi–Syrian border and the expulsion of the minority communities that straddled both sides of the border serves in ISIS’ view to rectify the borders of the Arab world drawn by such Western states after

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37 Ideas and Organization for Resistance in Sobibor

Yitzhak Arad Indiana University Press ePub

The first ideas concerning organized resistance and mass escape were raised by prisoners in Sobibor at the beginning of 1943, and for the same reasons as in Treblinka: the feeling that the camp had almost accomplished its task and that therefore the liquidation of the prisoners was close. However, it was not until the late spring or the summer of 1943 that the ideas of resistance and escape began taking on some organizational form.

The leading figure in the circle of those with ideas for resistance was Leon Feldhendler, in his early thirties, the son of a rabbi, and a former head of the Judenrat in the Zolkiewka ghetto. The group also included some heads of the workshops in Sobibor: among them, Josef (family unknown), a tailor; Jakub (family unknown), a shoemaker; Yanek (family unknown), a carpenter; and several others.1

The event that prompted the operational decision to form an Underground organization was the killing of Jewish prisoners from Belzec death camp. After the liquidation of the camp at Belzec, the 600 prisoners who still remained in the camp were brought to Sobibor in late June 1943. They were told that they were being taken to Germany to work, but when they arrived at Sobibor they were removed from the train in groups of ten and shot. From a note found among the clothing of the murdered, the Sobibor prisoners learned that those who had been killed were, like themselves, prisoners. The note said:

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6 Religion of the Home: Food and Faith

Jeffrey Veidlinger Indiana University Press ePub

When Mendl Osherowitch visited a Ukrainian shtetl in 1932, he lamented that the Sabbath was barely distinguishable from any other day:

In the street . . . it does not feel like Sabbath. Rarely does a Jew do anything different on this day than any other day of the week. There is simply nothing to do. And in the home, there is also no sign of Sabbath food or white challah. People have already forgotten the taste of challah.

The synagogue, the old synagogue, which is locked for almost the entire week, is opened on this day. It is opened by the caretaker, an elderly, beaten-down Jew, in whose heart beats not a single shard of hope. And people say that every time he takes down the lock of the synagogue, tears flow. When he closes the synagogue up again, he cries even more.

Jews come into the synagogue, they pray quickly and leave for home quietly. And at home they catch a little rest from their hard work—and in the shtetl it is hard to find a Jew who doesn’t have to work hard: either they are in a kolkhoz [collective farm] or in an artel, and if they are not in an artel, they work so hard in order to earn a piece of bread. They rest a little from their hard work, and this they call observing the Sabbath.1

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5 Maling, a Hanunóo Girl from the Philippines

KATHLEEN M ADAMS Indiana University Press ePub

Harold C. Conklin

Just before dawn, one day in late September 1953, seven-year-old Maling tiptoed to the edge of my sleeping mat to wake me with a short but sad announcement: “namatay yi kanmi ’ari’” (our younger brother is dead). Still an infant, Gawid had succumbed to an unknown malady during the night. On his death, the Mt. Yagaw Hanunóo family with whom I had been residing in the small hamlet of Parina for almost a year immediately arranged for his burial and began the observance of a five day religious restriction on agricultural work, bathing, and travel. To understand how Maling interpreted this turn of events as she waited for me to get up and help with the preparations, it is necessary to know the part she had played in the activities connected with Gawid’s birth eighteen days earlier.

For that occasion, Maling’s father, Panday, had rethatched a small, dilapidated annex to the family house and had built a sturdy rail fence around its wooden piles and storm props to keep the foraging pigs away from the space under the bamboo slat floor. Although the period of pregnancy had not been marked by any of the anomalies recognized by the Hanunóo, the customary magical precautions such as refraining from unnecessary binding, tying, or planting activities had been strictly observed for the preceding week by both Panday and his wife, Sukub. On the day before the birth, after a brief final weeding of the maturing rice crop in her steep jungle clearing, Sukub harvested enough bananas for the next two days and returned to Parina to spend most of the afternoon and evening in her rattan hammockswing.

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1. “Our Nation’s Authentic Traditions”: Law Reform and Controversies over the Common Good, 1999–2006

Dorothea E. Schulz Indiana University Press ePub

IN MARCH 2000 Malian national radio announced in daily news broadcasts that a family law reform proposal, prepared by legal specialists and representatives of civil society, was to be publicly discussed so as to ensure popular participation and support. The projected reform of the codification of family law (Code du Mariage et de la Tutelle [CMT]), the broadcasts explained, was part of PRODEJ (Promotion de la Démocratie et de la Justice au Mali), a project financed by a consortium of Western donors to improve the effectiveness and credibility of the judiciary, and to mend inconsistencies within the Malian legal code “in accordance with international standards.”1 The anticipated law reform generated vehement protest among Muslim religious authorities and activists who publicly condemned the government’s endorsement of the Beijing platform as an attack on women’s “traditional role and dignity” that ultimately threatened to undermine Mali’s authentic culture, one “rooted for centuries in the values of Islam.”2 Yet the main targets of these Muslim leaders’ wrath, and their main political adversaries, were women’s rights activists who, in broadcasts aired on local and national radio and tacitly supported by the Family and Women’s Ministry, dismissed their protest as an attempt by “conservative religious forces” to pave the way for reactionary influences from the Arabic-speaking world by mixing religion and politics. Clearly, behind obvious differences in ideological orientation, Muslim activists and their political opponents have several points in common. Speakers on each side acknowledge that the government’s decision to reform Mali’s legal and judicial system is the result of various international influences and support structures, on the one hand, and of local and national political processes, on the other. Agendas of Western donor organizations intersect and collide with the interests of sponsors from the Arabic-speaking world, but also with interest groups struggling to gain greater influence in the national political arena. Both parties also present women’s dignity, and their rights and duties, as essential to definitions of the common good and of membership in the political community.

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2 Alternatives to Différance

Mark A. Tietjen Indiana University Press ePub

2 Alternatives to Différance

THE READER NEW to Kierkegaard will find remarkable the diversity of discussions of concepts such as love to be found in his writings. The pseudonym A’s view of love in Either/Or I is based on popular erotic conceptions drawn from Mozart’s Don Giovanni and Augustin Eugène Scribe’s Les Premières Amours ou Les Souvenirs d’enfance, both of which he reviews. In the companion volume Either/Or II, another pseudonym, Judge William, contrasts the erotic portrait of love with one rooted instead in a strong sense of duty and commitment to ideals, exemplified by the institution of marriage. In the signed book Works of Love, Kierkegaard offers yet another depiction of love that is distinctly Christian in nature.

Roger Poole understands such multifarious conceptions as a sign of Kierkegaard’s employment of différance, and he advises his reader to be careful to keep apart the various versions of concepts one finds, especially in the pseudonymous literature: “Kierkegaard’s pseudonymous works are heterogeneous thought-worlds in which although the key concepts may share some ‘family resemblances’ those key concepts achieve their efficacy and yield their meanings by being read in terms of their differences, not in terms of their similarities.”1 In the previous chapter I raised objections to this “principle.” In this chapter I will expand on the concerns that underlie these objections, concerns motivated by an interest in asking what purpose there might be in looking at concepts like love in so many different ways and from so many different angles. In the first and largest section, I will explore in detail the teleological scheme of the existence-spheres, thereby lending support to my objection to Poole that the “thought-worlds” of the pseudonyms can and ought to be placed side by side in conversation with one another. My analysis of the spheres, as well as the discussion of Kierkegaardian dialectic in the section that follows, will demonstrate how the spheres can be viewed as contributing to the edification of Kierkegaard’s reader, whom he hopes will be led through them finally to Christian existence.2 I conclude by returning to Kierkegaard’s The Book on Adler to show how his distinction between an “essential author” and a “premise author” might afford one last objection to the picture of Kierkegaard Poole offers.

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3 What Do the Dead Deserve? Toward a Critique of Jewish “Political Theology”

Edited by Randi Rashkover and Martin Kav Indiana University Press ePub

This volume walks a fine ethical line. Its pretext is not political theology in the broad sense, denoting how religious concepts and political realities intersect and legitimate (or delegitimate) one another. Rather, it stems from a distinct historical occasion, the rise in the contemporary West—scratching its head at the failure of liberal democracy to achieve the end of history—of “political theology” in a historically delimited sense, that of the Weimar jurist Carl Schmitt (1888–1985), who was a member of the Nazi Party from May 1933 onward. (For this reason, I will adopt a custom of placing “political theology” in quotation marks when it refers to this narrow sense of the term.) A potential ethical problem arises in the assumption that the subject matter of “political theology” has worth. For in this assumption, this volume assumes that Schmitt and others might have been (or actually were) correct in pointing out a perhaps fatal weakness or naïveté in the optimism of all liberalism, including Jewish theological liberalism. This volume therefore assumes that Jewish theology now needs to reconstruct itself anew, in response to Schmitt. But such an assumption risks laughing at Jewish liberalism, judging it to be not even worthy of serious response. The project of constructing a Jewish political theology would then take a stance structurally similar to Aharon Appelfeld’s Badenheim 1939, which (on some readings) portrays the petit bourgeois Jewish milieu of Appelfeld’s parents as resolutely clueless to the ease by which it could be manipulated and killed by state power.1 In this chapter, I argue that while there are good reasons to retain an attachment to Jewish liberalism and reject the stance of “political theology”—reasons stemming from a commitment to the redemption of singular dead individuals, a commitment that was given its most sustained philosophical treatment by my late teacher Edith Wyschogrod2— these theological reasons cannot ignore the shape of the moment. In other words, the choice between Jewish liberalism and “political theology” has less to do with a true understanding of basic principles and more to do with a finely discerning casuist eye that assesses what principles can be put into action at a particular moment and gives reasons for why acting on one’s commitments in such a manner (and not others) at that moment is to be endorsed by others.3

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1 Is Continental Philosophy of Religion Dead?

CLAYTON SCOTT CROCKETT Indiana University Press ePub

John D. Caputo

JACQUES DERRIDA IS dead. Now they are all dead—all the soixant-huitaires.1 So, is it over? Is Continental philosophy—and by extension, Continental philosophy of religion—as we know it dead? For a younger generation of philosophers, the so-called theological turn is the last straw. If the religious turn is where Continental philosophy ends up, supplying a final place for religion to hide before the “singularity” arrives,2 then Continental philosophy is dead. If it is not, the first order of business is to kill it off. What good is Nietzsche’s death of God, if we still have to deal with religion? This critique goes well beyond the familiar attack on Continental philosophy by analytic philosophy. It seeks to replace both “unconcealment” and “language games” with a more ruthless realism, a more materialist materialism, a more uncompromising objectivism, aiming to put an end to Continental philosophy as we know it. When I say “as we know it,” I mean the program announced by Kant when he says “I have found it necessary to deny knowledge in order to make room for faith.” That is what Quentin Meillassoux, who is spearheading this attack, calls “fideism,” delimiting the reach of the mathematical sciences in order to leave the door open for religious faith,3 resulting in Continentalists who wear thick glasses and find their way with a stick, moving about in the shadows where religion carries out its dark business.

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1: Desire and Phenomenon

Ó Murchadha, Felix Indiana University Press ePub

ONLY WHERE THERE is desire for the phenomenon is existence a question. ‘Existence’ is the rupture of essence, where the nature of a being is a subsequent narration of its prior vocation and mission. Existence ruptures essence where phenomena seduce. Existence is vocational, is being led forth and led out by the call of the phenomenon. Existence is desire. Existence is not needy; an existent does not preserve itself but sacrifices itself through the vulnerability of its being in the face of the radiance of phenomena. Existence is being toward an other. No being fully exists, no being can fully be toward, can fully be as being called by the phenomenon. But, conversely, to be is to exist, to be at all is to be vulnerable toward the seductive power of phenomena.

Existence is threatened by degradation and tempted by dissolution. In its material being it is bound by endless drives to satiation which threaten to anaesthetize it in a limbo of self-forgetfulness; its spiritual being is tempted toward a Gnostic escape in angelic peacefulness. In both trajectories existence loses itself.1 In its being-called, existence finds itself in worldly movement; the hierarchical structure of worldly being, however, depresses it. The worldly hierarchy is an order of attachments, which depresses existence by binding it in its needful valuations to possession.2 Desire for the phenomenon discloses a place in the world beyond the hierarchies of the world: a being in the world, but not of the world. It is a place of mission, where the affirmation of self is subject to the acceptance of a sending (missere).

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