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Halpern, Charles Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

SHORTLY AFTER the district court decision in the pipeline case, I sat down to lunch with my friend Ralph Siu and turned the subject to the case. I was full of our success and outraged by the oil companies’ cavalier indifference to the environment. Ralph’s calm offset my enthusiasm.

“It’s important to plan your strategy with full regard for the long term,” he said. “Your action was especially significant because you averted an action that could have had disastrous impact for generations. On the other hand, our country has an insatiable appetite for oil. Over time, that demand is going to drive resource decisions, and real progress will have to address that problem. The corporations will do what is necessary to meet that demand. I doubt if the corporate decision makers are bad people.”

I realized that I had fallen into the habit of thinking they were bad people, the enemy. CLASP tended to run on polarized and adversarial thinking, and oil company executives had a high ranking on the list of villains.

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Medium 9780253001931

11 - Arms Control in the Twenty-First Century

John T. Shaw Indiana University Press ePub

Richard Lugar has made a career of measuring his words carefully, of expressing even frustration and anger with restraint and understatement. But in November 2010, Lugar decided he had had enough and that it was time to speak out forcefully to his fellow Republicans. He had been consulting closely for almost a year with the Obama administration regarding the New START treaty. For more than 6 months, from March through September, he had been the only Republican senator to publicly declare his support for the arms control treaty with Russia.

Even though he is the acknowledged arms control expert in the Senate, Lugar’s role within the Senate Republican caucus on the arms control treaty had been eclipsed by Senator Jon Kyl of Arizona, a hardedged conservative with a history of disliking most arms control treaties. Kyl, the second ranking Senate Republican with close ties to Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell and the party’s conservative base, was designated by McConnell as the Senate GOP’s lead negotiator with the White House on the treaty. But Lugar, given his senior position on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and experience on arms control issues, remained very involved in helping the Obama administration devise a strategy to win approval of the treaty in the Senate.

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Medium 9781576755853

3: Consuming Opinion

Schlesinger, Andrea Batista Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

WELCOME TO THE WORLD OF AMERICAN MEDIA. BELLICOSE anchors opine about the state of world affairs, on cable news channels that don’t actually report the state of world affairs. Political blogs and Web sites are visited by millions each day—millions of people who already agree with the points of view expressed there, that is. The New York Times television critic is given front-page real estate to analyze political debates between presidential candidates as if they were the season finales of network dramas. Media consolidation has left 90 percent of the top fifty cable stations in the hands of the same parent companies that run the broadcast networks, and the major media conglomerates in control of 75 percent of all prime-time viewing.1 As Samuel Goldwyn once famously said, “When I want your opinion, I’ll give it to you.”

A culture shift is clear in the state of American journalism today. It is a transition that speaks to our changing wants and to the vested interest of concentrated, corporatized media in guiding those wants in the direction that best supports their bottom line. And it has led this organ of our democracy to stray further from its most important function: the asking of questions.

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Medium 9781855759909

CHAPTER FOUR. Defence mechanisms—coping with failure

Lionel F. Stapley Karnac Books ePub

In the last chapter, I referred to some of the difficulties that can and will arise as we, as individual managers or team members, seek the satisfaction of our desires. There, I sought to explain something of the way we regress to more primitive modes of behaving that result in aggression. Here, I shall be looking at some of the many other devices and approaches that we adopt as a means of coping with the anxiety of failure. Following and adding to the last chapter, I shall provide further explanations for the ways in which we deal with failure to achieve our desires.

Before going too far, this may be an opportune time to remind the reader about application of the material in this book, as much of what follows will provide excellent opportunities for the reader to develop their process of self-reflection. By this, I mean, bringing the material to life by reflecting on your own experiences and your feelings associated with those experiences. Or, as one of my clients put it, having a conversation with yourself. For example, at certain points you might ask yourself:

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Medium 9781576752814

5: Empire and Its Discontents

Garrison, James Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

THE CHALLENGE TO AMERICAN LEADERSHIP today is that people around the world are increasingly experiencing America more as the enemy than as a friend, as Goliath rather than as David. Bewilderment about America, fear of America, even hatred of America are on the rise as people use American light to judge American power. In attaining so much power and in applying its power in such a highly militarized way, especially during the Cold War and since 9/11, it seems to many that the United States has betrayed its founding vision, as if in protecting the American dream at home, it has felt it necessary to deny its ideals abroad.93

AMERICA’S DARK HISTORY IN IRAQ The history of U.S. relations with Iraq provides an excellent case in point. Removing Saddam Hussein from power in 2003 was not the first time the United States engaged in regime change in Iraq. President Kennedy initiated the first one back in 1963.

In 1958, Iraqi leader Abdel Karim Kassem had overthrown a monarch friendly to the West, but he was tolerated by President Eisenhower because he provided a counterweight to Washington’s nemesis of that era—Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, who was stirring the Arab world with visions of national revival and power. But Kassem became a problem for Washington in 1961 when he began to buy arms rivaling those of Israel, threatened Western oil interests, and talked openly of challenging American dominance in the region. Kennedy decided that Kassem needed to go. Interestingly, Kennedy received support from Britain and Israel but faced opposition from other allies, especially France and Germany.94

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