1943 Slices
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Chapter 5 | Guilty Knowledge

Carol O’Keefe Wilson University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter 5

Guilty Knowledge

H

osea Calvin Poe was named after a paternal uncle but must not have liked his given name. Even though the tradition of using men’s initials, particularly in matters of business, was widely used in his day,

Mr. Poe’s adherence to the custom was unusually far-reaching. He went solely by his initials, H. C., and even his tombstone is so inscribed.

Born in 1881 in rural Arkansas, young Hosea and his family moved from

Magnolia, Arkansas, to Eastland County, Texas, when Poe was barely a teen. He grew up on a farm with four younger siblings in a family that must have been keen on education. Of the three sons, two became teachers and the other a dentist. For

Poe, teaching was a temporary career choice, followed by an elected position as county clerk and a subsequent career in banking. 1

While 1915 had proved an eye-opening year for the new president of the

Temple State Bank, his dealing with Governor Ferguson in 1916 repeatedly confirmed his worst fears and suspicions. Poe realized that he had made a poor choice in accepting the position as head of the Temple bank but was committed to salvaging his relationship with James Ferguson if possible.

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7 Realistic Expectations: South Dakota’s Experience with the Voting Rights Act

Daniel McCool Indiana University Press ePub

For thirteen years, from 1989 through 2002, I served as the election supervisor for the state of South Dakota. In 2002 I was elected secretary of state in a three-way race with 56 percent of the vote. In 2006 I was unopposed for re-election, which was the first time in the history of South Dakota that a candidate for secretary of state was unopposed. My involvement in election administration ended in 2011 when term limits prevented me from running for re-election. I mention these facts only to establish with the reader my long-term and respected involvement in administering elections in South Dakota.

Native Americans are the largest minority population in South Dakota. The 2010 census reported that 8.8 percent of our population was American Indian. Of South Dakota’s 814,180 residents, 71,817 reported being full American Indian. An additional 10,229 residents report some American Indian racial background.1

Approximately one-third of the time I spent on election-related responsibilities as secretary of state was devoted to Native American voter needs. Some of that time involved compliance with the temporary provisions of the Voting Rights Act such as Section 5 (preclearance) and Section 203 (minority-language provisions). Significant amounts of time were involved defending the state in ACLU-inspired lawsuits involving Native American voting issues.

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7. Framing the Immigration Debate

Rinku Sen Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

139

The scope of public policy debates is determined by two things: how they are framed and who does the framing. Frames create a boundary around the discussion, defining the problem, locating responsibility, and influencing which technical proposals get a hearing and which are pushed to the margins. Frames rely on images, myths, and stories that signal a society’s moral aspirations and standards. Frames consist of both images and ideas; using the two, framers stake out their positions. Who does the framing matters because framers can cut certain ideas and people out of the debate.

Photography provides a useful metaphor. The photographer decides what deserves to be seen, then sets the lens to a wide angle or zooms in to take the photo. Depending on how the photographer uses light, he or she can make a figure appear to be menacing or innocent or lonely. Public policy discourse works in the same way—if we take a broad view of a particular problem, the solutions we create will likely be larger and more ambitious. As the frame narrows, proposed solutions are limited as well. Some people are considered legitimate participants in the debate, while others are left out of the picture entirely.

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45. Get the Respect You Deserve (How to be sure you and your work are taken seriously)

Debra Dinnocenzo Berrett-Koehler Publishers PDF

92

101 Tips for Telecommuters

The degree of access your calls have to you when you are not in your home office and any need to alter this.

T R A N S F E R

45

I T

P R O M P T L Y

T O

I M P R O V E

P E R F O R M A N C E

Get the Respect You Deserve

(How to be sure you and your work are taken seriously)

Since many myths and misunderstandings still exist regarding the life of a telecommuter, it’s sometimes difficult for other people to take you and your work seriously. The perception others have about someone “at home” is that the person is not really or seriously working (since they perceive home is not a real or serious workplace).

The burden for achieving the regard, respect, and seriousness you’ll need rests squarely on your shoulders.

For you and your work to be taken seriously by others, you must take yourself and your work seriously. All of your effort to focus your energies, organize your work, plan your day, and monitor your progress are major contributors to a self-perception of seriousness. It also helps if you maintain established work hours—and be sure to let everyone (immediate family, relatives, friends, neighbors) know what those hours are. Additionally, it will help convey a sense of purpose and seriousness if you conduct yourself seriously (another good reason to get out of your robe as soon as possible). In spite of these efforts, some of the people in your world will feel compelled to bother you. Oh, it’s not that they (consciously) intend to sidetrack you; they just might be unable to restrain themselves. So, you’ll need to arm yourself with a few weapons to keep these people (and their inherent distractions) at bay:

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8. Paying for Modern Government

Ballard C. Campbell Indiana University Press ePub

MODERN AMERICANS GRUMBLE when they must add a dime or more sales tax to the cost of a doughnut and a cup of coffee. The approach of April 15, when income tax reports are due, can bring on apprehensions. Life in the Cleveland era had its annoyances too, but paying taxes was not one of them for most people. The average worker paid no direct levies to the government. The explanation for this astonishing situation lies in the way government used to raise its revenue. In the late 1800s the public sector levied two principal taxes—one on property and the other on imported goods. Of the two, only the property tax was levied directly on individuals and then principally on the owners of real estate. But most Americans in 1900 did not own a home or land. Roughly two-thirds of householders in the cities, where most workers lived, were renters. And a third of all farmers were tenants working and living on land they did not own. Property taxes applied to business property too, but only a small fraction of the workforce owned commercial real estate and most who did were also homeowners. Simple arithmetic shows that only a minority of Americans paid property taxes, the largest levy in the republican era.

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