1678 Chapters
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Medium 9781576753040


Graham, John Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Never inflame the will of your opponent.


USER’S GUIDE The processes described in this chapter are flexible. You may find some of the steps here unnecessary in the situation you’re in, or you might need to apply them in some creative new combination of your own.

The tips here are addressed to you as an individual, but if you’re part of a team, it’s important that your whole team agree to try them, too. It’s hard to create trust with an opponent if others on your team think the only way to deal with differences is to fight until they “win.” Use what’s in this chapter to bring members of your team along. Let them see the power of this approach through your own example.

FINDING COMMON ground with other people does not mean finding absolute agreement. Common ground is shareable ground whose boundaries are marked by a range of actions that all can live with. You and your neighbor may not vote for the same political candidate, for example, but your shared belief in elections, free speech, and the democratic process is common ground.

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Medium 9780929398136

15. We Are the Only Alternative

Mary Beth Rogers University of North Texas Press PDF


We Are the Only Alternative

San Antonio, 1986

"Most people have come into our communities to destroy them ... the Klan ... the dope dealers ... the developers ....

The people have looked to their ministers to defend and protect them."}

The speaker is the Reverend Nehemiah Davis, the distinguished black pastor of the Mount Pisgah Baptist Church in

Fort Worth. The setting is the modern new Catholic chancery of the archdiocese of San Antonio. The audience is a group of about 60 Catholic priests, Protestant ministers, and Texas community leaders from eight Texas Industrial Areas Foundation organizations who are meeting to get to know each other better and determine how they can exert statewide influence as a network. Some of them have driven 13 hours from EI Paso to be at the meeting, and several of the EI Paso representatives speak no English. So the low rumble of simultaneous translation from English to Spanish accompanies the dialogue, which is about power and how to solidify it locally and leverage it statewide.

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Medium 9780253356833

27. The Man from Missouri

David M. Jordan Indiana University Press ePub

Harry Truman knew from the start that his would be the main job of speaking for the Democratic ticket, and he handled the task with competence. His emphasis was always on the record of Franklin Roosevelt, the successful course of the war, and the necessity of experienced hands to put in place the peace to follow. He taunted Thomas Dewey on the Republican isolationists who were still powerful figures in the challenger's party, although late in the campaign this message inadvertently involved Truman in intra-party unpleasantness. On the whole, Harry Truman did his job well, considering that Franklin Roosevelt's involvement in the struggle was relatively minimal until close to the end.

Truman, after being formally notified of his nomination at the ceremony in his native town of Lamar on August 31, went to Michigan on Labor Day, September 4, for a union picnic in Pontiac, a parade down Woodward Avenue in Detroit, a CIO rally of fifteen thousand in Cadillac Square, and a banquet given in his honor by the Detroit and Wayne County Federation of Labor. He reminded his listeners about “the greatest friend labor ever had—Franklin D. Roosevelt” and he told them: “Remember that and re-elect Franklin D. Roosevelt President of the United States.”1

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Medium 9780253018595

An Afropean Travel Narrative

IU Press Journals Indiana University Press ePub

THIS JANUARY, I found myself squashed in a small room with perhaps a hundred other people, mainly black, cocooned within a snow-covered Paris for a conference on Black Portraiture. As I looked beside me, I noticed the silhouettes of my fellow attendees’ African features contrasted against the icy white brightness gleaming through the windows. I had my camera poised—it would have made a great photograph, but Simon Njami, the influential French art critic, was finishing his talk entitled “The Black Body as an Artistic Metaphor.” His eyes were heavily lidded and self-possessed, and speaking in English with a French accent he exuded authority.

I have searched for my blackness as though it were a missing piece of luggage containing important ID.

“Of course,” he said, “this whole idea of the ‘black body’ is preposterous—if you are black it isn’t a black body, it is just a body. I don’t see anybody talking about the white body in such a way.”

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Medium 9780253356833

25. Down to the Wire

David M. Jordan Indiana University Press ePub

Governor Dewey had a big day in Wisconsin on his way to Chicago. In Milwaukee he spoke from an automobile in front of the Pfister Hotel to a crowd estimated at eight thousand persons, telling them that he would restore harmony between the Executive and Congress and would get rid of “the quarrelsome, wasteful, bungling” bureaucrats. Dewey urged the re-election of Governor Walter S. Goodland and Alexander Wiley, the state's isolationist senator. A band serenaded the New York governor with “The Washington Post March,” and a clubwoman with a megaphone sang a “Dewey-for-President” song she had written.1

At a press conference a bit later Dewey said he thought his foreign policy position after the Minneapolis speech was “so clear” there was no possible question of interpretation. After leaving Milwaukee, the candidate's train stopped for brief talks in Kenosha and Racine, where Dewey proclaimed, “You people put me into this [referring to the Wisconsin primary in April] and I promise that I won't let you down.”

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Medium 9780253017314

Norms of Responsible Behavior in Cyberspace? U.S. Cyber Operations

David P Fidler Indiana University Press ePub

Norms of Responsible Behavior in Cyberspace?
U.S. Cyber Operations

The third Snowden disclosure occurred on June 7, 2013, when the Guardian revealed Presidential Policy Directive/PPD-20, a top secret document under which President Obama established U.S. policy for cyber operations not involving foreign intelligence collection. The media focused on the provision instructing the government to identify potential targets for offensive cyber operations. But the directive also included guidance on defensive cyber operations, making it a comprehensive attempt to establish policy for cyber activities not involving intelligence. The Obama administration developed the directive in response to concerns that “rules of engagement” for U.S. cyber operations were not clear. The directive declared that all U.S. offensive and defensive cyber operations shall comply with U.S. and international law. The directive contains no information about specific U.S. cyber operations, but disclosures in August 2013 included information that the U.S. government conducted 231 offensive cyber operations in 2011 against government targets in China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia—the year before PPD-20 was adopted. This disputed information, along with PPD-20, connected these disclosures with alleged U.S. involvement in the Stuxnet cyber attack on Iranian nuclear centrifuges discovered in 2010. Fidler’s chapter in this volume analyzes the foreign policy implications of PPD-20’s disclosure, which include questions about how U.S. offensive cyber operations relate to the U.S. government’s desire for “norms of responsible behavior in cyberspace.”

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Medium 9781609941246

5 Special Economic Zones

Lee, Ann Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Dont be too timid and squeamish about your actions.
All life is an experiment. The more experiments you
make the better. RALPH WALDO EMERSON

MAOS SUCCESSOR DENG XIAO PING famously said, It does not matter if the cat is black or white as long as it catches mice, signaling that he no longer demanded that the country adhere to strict ideology, but wanted pragmatism to inform policy. His pragmatic statement was not only revolutionary during his time given the Communist ideological orientation in China back then, but it is even revolutionary today here in the United States as it relates to economic policy.

For decades, the study of economics in the West has been based on empirical observation of society and extrapolated into a broader theory in an attempt to turn a social science into a harder science. Mathematical formulas were further created to describe an economic theory or law in much the same way that mathematical formulas were developed for the hard sciences of physics or chemistry. The problem with economic theories is that economics isnt a hard science no matter how much economists would like it to be. In the hard sciences, scientific experiments can be replicated. Atoms and chemical reactions are predictable. Humans however are not. Humans have the freedom to choose, and while humans may often make economically rational decisions, they are also just as likely to make choices based on other factors. Humans also can behave differently based on cultural influences. The best economists can do is create models or abstractions to use as a guide to understand the system. We cannot assume, however, that these economic models will ever represent the entire truth.

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Medium 9781576755969

CHAPTER FIVE Peacebuilding

Savir, Uri Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

PEACEBUILDING IS THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND SOCIAL cooperation and contact between post-conflict societies. When a society progresses from a state of conflict to one of peace, all such cooperation, even at its most banal, must be integral to the process to engender better mutual understanding and work for the common benefit of rehabilitation.

Peacebuilding as a concept can seem abstract—it overlaps with the other pillars in many arenas—but peacebuilding projects are among the most tangible and practical activities in the peacemaking process. Often, peacebuilding involves the literal construction of infrastructure—roads, bridges, irrigation, hotels, warehouses, factories, and schools. Sometimes the construction is less tangible —the creation of a fund to assist cross-border soccer teams, for example. In both cases, however, peacebuilding programs are designed to build physical, financial, and political connections where there were none before.

Post-conflict economies are generally damaged, if not devastated. Infrastructures have been destroyed and societies lack organized institutions to deal with refugees and displaced people. Security budgets are inflated compared to small social budgets, and governments are often plagued by corruption.

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Medium 9781576758625

1: Building a Winning Campaign for Economic Security

Rathke, Wade Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

The Bible may have assured some people that the poor would always be with us, but there is no support in Scripture for the view that their numbers must necessarily be as huge as they are today. We should instead believe that poverty is a relative concept, meaning that some families are relatively poor compared to those who are rich, rather than an absolute concept, meaning that some families are sentenced by circumstance, fate, or fortune to the most abject levels of deprivation and poverty.

The task of making sense of all of this can be daunting. Every morning’s headlines seem to carry the subtext these days that economics is about as much a science as astrology. The basic strategy seems to be to throw as much money against the wall as can be printed and hope that it sticks long enough to prevent the deluge. Managing the economy in these times seems to be driven by hopes and prayers more than anything else. Suffice it to say, all of these issues become very complex when it comes to money, who has too little of it, and how to make sure they have more.

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Medium 9781623490140

13. Seeing the Fiscal Forest through the Trees: Conservation Spending and the National Debt

Paul Walden Hansen Texas A&M University Press ePub


Seeing the Fiscal Forest through the Trees

Conservation Spending and the National Debt

Arithmetic is not an opinion.

—Italian proverb

My involvement in this issue has allowed me to piss off just about everyone in America.

—former Senator Alan Simpson, co-chair of the President’s Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform

AS WITH ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY, fiscal sustainability is also a neighborly vision that asks how we can live together without hurting each other today or stealing the future from our children. Our nation is on an unsustainable fiscal path, requiring the government to borrow huge sums each year. Addressing this crisis will require cuts in both annual domestic and defense spending, significant changes in the big entitlement programs, and tax reform that simplifies the code and generates additional revenue. It should be clear to all that everything must be on the table—spending cuts and tax reform that generates more revenue.

In fiscal year 2011, federal spending was $3.6 trillion, revenue was $2.3 trillion, and the deficit was $1.3 trillion. As of June 1, 2013, the gross national debt, the accumulation of years of deficits, is now $17 trillion. Of that, $11.5 trillion is publicly held—over half by foreign interests. Interest on the publicly held debt was $224 billion last year but is estimated to swell to over $1 trillion by 2022 under the Concord Coalition’s plausible scenario for future deficits as interest rates rise back to more typical historic averages of 5–6 percent. For the first time since World War II, the gross debt now exceeds the gross domestic product and is projected to be almost three times GDP by 2038.

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Medium 9780253018250

A Snub for the Ages

IU Press Journals Indiana University Press ePub

Nelson Mandela in Miami

WHEN NELSON MANDELA landed in Miami on June 24, 1990—only recently released from his twenty-seven years of imprisonment for fighting apartheid—he was, figuratively speaking, slapped across the face four times. The governor of Florida administered the first slap by not showing up at the airport to greet Mandela. The Miami-Dade County mayor administered the next slap by not appearing at the county-owned airport where Mandela landed. The mayors of the City of Miami—a city which was, and still is, dominated by conservative Cuban Americans—and of Miami Beach, with its substantial Jewish population, administered the third slap by also not showing up. The last lick was laid on Mandela by local Jewish elected officials, who also refused to appear with Mandela. Meanwhile, everywhere else in the U.S. and the globe to which Mandela traveled on his tour, he received a hero’s welcome. To comprehend why Miami snubbed Mandela requires some understanding of ethnic relations in the city, particularly with regard to African Americans, Cuban Americans, and Jews. Mandela’s arrival stirred the ethnic stew in Miami in ways that had not been done before. First, Mandela had insulted the Cubans by expressing appreciation to Castro for having supported him when few others, including the United States, did. He maligned the Jews by doing the same for Yasser Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). To many in the African American community, the Mandela episode in Miami was surreal. Mandela snubbed? Who on earth would have the nerve or the reason? Only in Miami! The perspective of most African Americans in Miami was that the most important black figure of our time had come into our midst, only to be insulted by Cubans and Jews. The why of it all requires some knowledge of the history of wounds left upon the minds and souls of both the Cuban and Jewish communities, a quagmire of ethnic emotions that Mandela stepped into when he arrived in Miami.

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Medium 9780253015693

Conclusion: Beyond the Struggle for Oil Resources

Omolade Adunbi Indiana University Press ePub

AT A COLORFUL ceremony on February 4, 2013, in Abuja, the federal capital of Nigeria, the secretary to the government of the federation, Chief Anyim Pius Anyim, nicknamed Mr. Centennial by the Nigerian press, inaugurated the centenary celebration of the amalgamation by the British, on January 1, 1914, of the Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria. The celebration is expected to begin on January 1, 2014, and, with a variety of activities planned, to last the whole year. At the inauguration, the former military head of state, General Abdusalam Abubakar, presented the theme song of the centenary celebration to the public. Composed and performed by Onyeka Onwenu, a popular musician, in collaboration with other famous Nollywood artists, the song, titled “This Land: Celebrating 100 Years of Nigeria,” honors “this land of mine, Nigeria on my mind, born in diversity, standing tall, 100 years of unity, one nation, strong, indivisible and here to stay.”1 The video of the song, posted to YouTube with more than a hundred thousand views,2 features key figures in Nigeria’s fight for independence, such as Obafemi Awolowo, Nnamdi Azikiwe, and Ahmadu Bello; cultural artifacts; rich agricultural produce; Abuja and Lagos skyscrapers; and oil rigs, platforms, and wells.

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Compassion and Corruption

IU Press Journals Indiana University Press ePub

choosing the difficult path

IN HER NEW book, Good Morning, Mr. Mandela, Zelda La Grange (who served as Nelson Mandela’s personal assistant for many years during his presidency and into his retirement) recounts how she gradually changed and grew into the woman she is today. La Grange describes her life journey and how she was transformed from being a deeply conservative Afrikaans white woman (she herself admits having been an avowed racist) into a more caring person with at least some understanding of how racism dehumanizes black people and how necessary it is to treat others with respect and dignity.

The role Nelson Mandela played in this remarkable journey lies at the heart of the book. In La Grange’s telling, Mandela exudes compassion and understanding for others. He consistently treats even those who have wronged him and should be considered his opponents or enemies with charm and (often) with respect. Even when people made mistakes, even when they faltered and disappointed him, Mandela was almost always ready to forgive. These traits are far removed from what I have come to understand to be the hallmark of most successful politicians, who are eager to put as much distance as possible between themselves and their colleagues who make mistakes or are caught doing something reprehensible or illegal. Showing such regard for others who are not like us and with whose actions we disagree profoundly is also the antithesis of what we, as white South Africans, did during apartheid.

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CHAPTER TWELVE Implementation

Savir, Uri Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

PEACE PROCESSES HAVE TRADITIONALLY BEEN HIGHLIGHTED by dramatic breakthroughs—those that lead to negotiations and those that take place during negotiations. The other highlight is, of course, the signing of the peace agreement. However, after these highlights become vague memories, the road to peace becomes arduous. Processes reach the critical point when they must be implemented. Even the best peace treaty, if only partially implemented, will not result in the desired peace. Implementation is key.

Modernized peacemaking does not end when a modern treaty is signed; those innovative approaches have a place in implementation as well. The implementation process involves the legal framework behind the movement from war to peace and the organizational structure of governmental and nongovernmental bodies that will deal with the implementation. Implementation occurs both internally (independently within each party) and jointly between both parties.

I recognize that the implementation of a peace treaty happens on many levels, and I make no claim to detail all of them here. It is of course crucial that NGOs, businesses, civil society groups, and international groups fulfill their duties as outlined in the agreement, and that they are held accountable.

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Medium 9780253010797

6 - “Counting the Poor”: The Politics of Pastoralist Poverty Assessments in Kenya

Peter D. Little Indiana University Press ePub

The Politics of Pastoralist Poverty Assessments in Kenya

ETHIOPIA'S EXPENSIVE AND expansive PSNP activity is a product of a new approach to poverty alleviation that uses both safety net and pro-market interventions to protect the poor, as well as to promote smallholder commercial agriculture. The implementation of Poverty Reduction Strategy Plans (PRSPs) in Ethiopia and other poor countries was an implicit admission that more had to be done to help the poor benefit from market-based economic growth (see discussion in introduction). To include the poor in development programs as required by PRSPs, it was necessary to identify who the poor actually are. This new, more humanistic approach to economic reform required that poverty be measured, mapped, and monitored. In the words of Maia Green, “poverty becomes not only a problem of the poor, but also their responsibility,” and hence governments and donor agencies sought ways to measure, audit, and ensure compliance by the poor (2006: 1118).

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