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Chapter 20 | Coming Back (1927–1932)

Carol O’Keefe Wilson University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter 20

Coming Back (1927-1932)

D

an Moody had begun to fulfill his campaign promise well before he was a candidate for governor. He accomplished his goal of restoring integrity to the state’s top office in large part through his tireless efforts initiating investigations and litigation to expose, halt, and correct the effects of the exploitation that had taken place under the Ferguson administration. Moody’s administration gave way to stricter attention to state department spending, in particular, ensuring those in charge of letting contracts for textbooks and highways based their decisions on competitive bids for quality products at rational prices. Within Moody’s first two months in office, more than thirty positions were abolished within the state highway department. As part of his clean-up efforts, Moody also pushed for laws to restrict wholesale pardoning.1

The House Investigating Committee issued its findings in late January when both Fergusons were again private citizens. Though damning, in the collective opinion of the committee members, the charges were not sufficient to warrant criminal prosecution. Jim, as a private citizen, had imposed himself where he had no authority and had used that usurped power for personal gain. Under his direction, the State Highway Commission had let contracts for highway maintenance at outrageously inflated prices and participated in trading favors. But the customary penalty for such offenses was removal from office and Jim Ferguson held no office. That fact, coupled with the committee’s assessment that the case did not warrant criminal charges, produced a dilemma for the body charged with offering a recommendation for punishment. They made none, essentially closing the matter. 2

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Medium 9781576758625

7: Guarding Tax Refunds and Combatting High Prices

Rathke, Wade Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

I have tried to forcefully introduce the concept that the job is unfinished unless we have full participation in programs creating citizen wealth, but the primary rule of asset building has to be that we cannot allow anyone or anything to steal or suck away the precious dollars that lower-income and working families must have to achieve economic security. In creating citizen wealth, a good offense has to be coupled with an equally powerful defense. There’s no sense in doing all of the work to put money in people’s pockets and then allowing those same pockets to be picked clean. We need a citizen wealth regime that allows us to take two steps forward without taking one step back.

When we looked at entitlement programs like EITC we saw that we have to be extremely vigilant about potentially predatory products and pricing like refund anticipation loans (RALs) offered by tax preparers, who should be the agents helping families receive the benefits. There are also some problems we can predict that can cripple fragile family economies because their income and assets are not elastic enough to handle the pressures caused by inflation in the price of necessities like food and fuel, yet surprisingly there are no programs in place that protect lower-income families from the global economic tsunamis that overwhelm the slender dikes built by few assets, limited income, and marginal wealth. Nonetheless, we need to shore up family defenses in all of these areas. Let’s look at how both of these problems are threatening efforts to create citizen wealth at the bottom.

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Medium 9780253010155

5 What is the Matter with Mexico?

Patrick M. Brantlinger Indiana University Press ePub

Imprisoned country. . . . It’s the children who play with skeletons.

—JUAN BAŃUELOS

Every morning around two hundred Mexican and Central American immigrants gather outside a Home Depot in Washington, D.C., waiting for a house painter or carpenter or plumber to hire them for a few hours or, if they are lucky, for a few days. Many—perhaps most—are “undocumented aliens” or “illegals.” This is a scene repeated in every major city in the United States. If the average gringo does not jump to the conclusion that something is the matter with these “illegals” (besides their being “illegal”), then he or she probably wonders, “What’s wrong with Mexico?”

Why can’t the Mexican economy provide enough jobs to prevent thousands of Mexicans from spilling over the border in search of work, especially when the United States is also struggling with high unemployment? Securing the border and deporting the “illegals” will not help, in part because many U.S. businesses are eager to hire undocumented workers. The jobs they take are supposedly ones that U.S. citizens will not take. Or is it the case that some businesses prefer to hire undocumented workers because they can pay them less and exploit them more easily than they can U.S. citizens?

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Medium 9780253020680

3 Education as Public Good or Private Resource: Accommodation and Demobilization in Iran’s University System

Daniel Brumberg Indiana University Press ePub

3

Education as Public Good or Private Resource

Accommodation and Demobilization in Iran’s University System

Shervin Malekzadeh

Pupils have never credited teachers for most of their learning. Bright and dull alike have always relied on rote, reading, and wit to pass their exams, motivated by the stick or by the carrot of a desired career.

—Ivan Illich, Deschooling Society

In the play a young man meets the long-awaited Hidden Imam, who informs him that he has been selected to help bring justice and order to the world. The young man balks. He has college entrance exams the next day, he tells the imam. He has studied obsessively, he explains, and cannot afford to miss them. He then turns to the imam and asks: “Can’t we save the world next week?”

—Afshin Molavi, The Soul of Iran: A Nation’s Journey to Freedom

ACTS OF INTIMIDATION and formal warning filled the month of June as authorities in Iran scrambled to contain the unexpected mobilization of millions of young people during the buildup to the 2009 presidential elections in Iran. For weeks, the streets of Tehran and other major cities had been filled with spontaneous but unauthorized rallies by partisans of all political stripes, proclaiming the virtues of their candidates. By June 12, what had been at best a guarded tolerance to these gatherings quickly gave way to force and violent crackdown as Iran tumbled into what would become the largest political and social crisis since the 1979 revolution. With the validity of the elections called into question, millions of Iranians took to the streets to demand, “Where is my vote?”1

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Medium 9781609944902

7: Fifth Step: Act to Transform the System

Kahane, Adam Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

IN THE FIFTH AND FINAL STEP of a transformative scenario planning project, the members of the team act, with one another and with others from across the system, to transform their problematic situation. These actions can take any number of forms: campaigns, meetings, movements, publications, projects, policies, initiatives, institutions, or legislation; private or public; short-term or long-term. The activities of this step, more than those of the previous steps, will therefore generally not be able to be foreseen or planned in advance. These activities will furthermore not necessarily be organized by or seen as part of the scenario project as such.

The understandings, relationships, intentions, and actions that the scenario process produced are seeds. Sometimes they fail to germinate, and sometimes they fall on hard or barren soil. Even when they do sprout, they don’t necessarily grow in ways that can be predicted or controlled. So this fifth step, even more than the previous ones, is emergent. The team needs to pay attention to where and how its work is taking root and to cultivate these new possibilities.

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Medium 9781607320661

CHAPTER FIVE: MARIE BYRD LAND Crevasse Junction, Privation Station

Dian Olson Belanger University Press of Colorado ePub

Ned made a pair of leather moccasins tonight out of a
do-it-yourself kit. That’s what Byrd Station is by the way—
a do-it-yourself kit with only half the pieces which
never seem to fit each other.

—Vernon Anderson, 19571

As winter began in April 1956 for the 166 souls left in Antarctica, Admiral Dufek returned to Washington to prepare for “our biggest year, our roughest mission.” Operation Deep Freeze II would involve twelve ships and 3,400 men, almost twice as many of each as the year before. Attention went first to the intimidating inland sites. For Byrd Station to rise above the ice plain of Marie Byrd Land during the short season of sunlight, the entire camp would have to be hauled overland nearly 650 miles, crevasses or no. Yet to be found was a route safe for a train pulled by thirty-five-ton tractors. Yet to be accomplished was all of the transport, construction, and hookup of the station even as the scientists were arriving. Not every-thing would get there. Byrd residents would end up doing a lot of doing without.2

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Medium 9781574415308

Introduction: Latino Urban Agency, Sharon A. Navarro and Rodolfo Rosales

Edited by Sharon A. Navarro and Rodolfo Rosales University of North Texas Press PDF

Introduction:

Latino Urban Agency

The

decision To compile This collecTion of essays on The urban

political presence of the Latino community was based on a critically important question that is generally taken for granted when analyzing

Latino politics. This question has to do with the definition of Latino politics in a changing political landscape in America. Is there, or can there be, a generic, overarching definition/identity of Latinos in the United States?

The premise in approaching this question, and our resulting decision to compile these essays, is that the Latino community is one of the most diverse communities that can be defined ethnically.

More importantly, as diversity within the Latino community intensified toward the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, the question of how Latino communities would relate to the larger changing political system,1 in what many political pundits called a post-racial era, became one of the most important questions facing both activists and scholars in the twenty-first century. An important factor to consider in this post-racial era is the emergence of particular political and electoral relationships between

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Medium 9780253010575

5 The Moroccan Serial Killer and CSI: Casablanca

Jonathan Smolin Indiana University Press ePub

Between the mid-1990s and the mid-2000s, fictional narratives of the police spread through Moroccan society. They first appeared in the form of a novel, The Blind Whale, and then moved to the country’s first independent newspaper, Moroccan Events, which appropriated the novel’s narrative strategies to invent true-crime reporting in the press. This new form of cultural production not only bolstered the newspaper’s circulation but also disseminated a groundbreaking depiction of the police through the law-bound detective who represented a complete break from the Years of Lead. The main innovation of Moroccan True Crime, however, was the fusion of fact and fiction in presenting the public with a new image of the real-world police in a highly credible nonstate media source. This new format gave the real-world police an image that corresponded to the state’s aspirations for a new era characterized by democratic principles, the rule of law, civil liberties, and human rights, encouraging the public to resituate their relationship with state authority.

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Medium 9781576753958

2 Selling Money—and Dependency: Setting the Debt Trap

Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

2 An ambitious regional bank and a young banker peddle loans to developing
countries to finance dubious projects—leaving ordinary citizens to pay
the bills.

It is an odd business, selling money door to door at the edge of the civilized world. It is odder still when money comes not from out of the anonymous depths of the Eurocurrency market—some dark relay through Nassau, Hong Kong, or Zurich—but from the savings accounts of Americans living in Ohio. Those Americans, like Americans everywhere, are just beginning to realize that their money is no longer being used to build the house next door.

I used to sell their money for a living. I used to travel the world for a medium-sized Midwestern bank with $5 billion in assets. Along the way, I was engaged in some of the startling “business as usual” banking practices that have begun to plague the world financial system.

• • •

It is 1978. Thanks to the venal, repressive regime of President Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines, I am safely and happily roosting in one of Manila’s best hotels, the Peninsula. I am about to set in motion a peculiar and idiosyncratic process that will result in a $10 million loan to a Philippine construction company, a bedfellow of the Marcos clan—a loan that will soon go sour. I am unaware that any of this is going to happen as I enter the lobby of the Peninsula on my way to dinner, still trying to digest the live octopus that a Taiwanese bank served me last night and attempting to remember exactly what it was they wanted and why they had gone to so much trouble.

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Medium 9781576753613

Chapter 8 Sharing Culture

Peter Barnes Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

He who receives an idea from me, receives instruction himself
without lessening mine, as he who lights his taper at mine,
receives light without darkening me.
Thomas Jefferson, 1813

So far Ive focused on the commons of nature and community. In this chapter I explore the third fork of the commons river, culture. By this I mean the gifts of language, art, and science we inherit, plus the contributions we make as we live.

Culture is a joint undertakinga co-productionof individuals and society. The symphonies of Mozart, like the songs of Lennon and McCartney, are works of genius. But they also arise from the culture in which that genius lives. The instrumentation, the notation system, and the prevalent musical forms are the dough from which composers bake their cakes. So too with ideas. All thinkers and writers draw on stories and discoveries that have been developed by countless men and women before them. To paraphrase Isaac Newton, each generation sees a little farther because it stands on the shoulders of its predecessors. In this way, all new work draws from the commons and then enriches it. To keep art and science flourishing, we have to make sure the cultural commons is cared for.

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Medium 9780870819650

THREE Is This What Democracy Looks Like?

E. Paul Durrenberger University Press of Colorado ePub

E. Paul Durrenberger and Suzan Erem

Some see the outcomes of the 2000 and 2004 U.S. presidential elections as failures of democracy. One explanation is that people are widely deceived and tricked into voting against their interests (Frank 2005). George Soros (2008) locates the failure in the postmodern preference for the manipulation of reality over the pursuit of truth. He suggests that in addition to free elections, individual liberties, the rule of law, and the division of powers that define open societies, there should also be standards of honesty and truthfulness. Others call the purposeful manipulation of reality “mind control,” or the control of culture (Durrenberger and Erem 2007). Still others see the failure of democracy as a consequence of a corporate-sponsored cultural revolution that started in the late nineteenth century with the rise of corporations in the United States (Doukas 2003; Fones-Wolf 1995).

__________________________________

The work upon which this study is based was funded by a grant from the National Science Foundation. We do not mention corporate names because Paul promised not to as a condition of entry to their facilities.

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Medium 9780253015846

6 I Want to Be Committed

Samuli Schielke Indiana University Press ePub

 

Within a few months’ time in 2009, three friends told me independently of one another that they “wanted to be committed” (‘ayiz or ’ayza altazim) but found it surprisingly difficult and frustrating. They all share an experience that in the first decade of the twenty-first century became a paradigmatic case of intense spiritual and moral dedication: Salafi activism. Of the various movements and currents that characterize the Islamic revival, Salafism emerged in the first decade of the twenty-first century as one of the most powerful in setting the tone of what it means to be truly religious. And “commitment” (iltizam) has become a very compelling keyword for discussing and describing what it means to be a good Muslim.

Why is it difficult to be committed? Difficulty is definitely not the impression one gets from the sermons of preachers who emphasize the ease and simplicity of Islam as a comprehensive guide to life. Much of the attraction of the revivalist turn to textual knowledge and moral perfection in general, and Salafi Islam in particular, lies in its apparent simplicity and straightforwardness, typically expressed in ritual and moral rigor, a quest to leave no gray areas, the world neatly divided into the permitted and the prohibited. And yet most of those who sympathize with the idea of commitment do not try to turn it into reality. And many of those who do try (and increasingly many do, as Salafi preachers have been gaining more ground as representatives of the correct, standard Islam) eventually find their activist drive inexplicably receding, face problems in living a committed life, and discover more and more contradictions in the teachings and teachers they follow. When people try to be perfect, there is trouble involved.

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Medium 9781626563179

Appendix: Boiling in Our Own Water

Mintzberg, Henry Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

A Rant on the State of
Our Imbalance, with Some
Suggestions for Change

A WELL-KNOWN ADAGE claims that if you put a frog in hot water, it will jump out, but if you put it in cold water and gradually turn up the heat, the frog will remain until it boils to death. Are we boiling in our own water?

Consider the points of this appendix in their entirety. Many may be familiar, but together they tell the story of a world that is dangerously out of balance. Either we stop this, or it stops us. (A fuller version of what follows can be accessed in the original pamphlet at www.mintzberg.org, on pages 77–106.)

In today’s world, we glorify consumption while we consume ourselves and our planet. “In the past, we had to work in order to produce useful things. Today, we have to consume useless things in order to work” (Sibley 2006).

We “harvest” the fish of the sea, as if we own everything that lives, while chemicals that don’t live destroy much that does. Are we in a race to discover whether our collective suicide will come from without—be that pollution, global warming, nuclear holocaust—or from within, thanks to the chemical stews that we ingest, inhale, and absorb?

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Medium 9781576753033

Chapter Two Design for Corporate Rule

Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

THE ALTERNATIVES OFFERED in this volume grow from the widespread damage inflicted by corporate globalization over the past five centuries as it passed from colonialism to imperialism to postcolonial export-led development models. Since World Wa r II, the driving forces behind economic globalization have been several hundred global corporations and banks that have increasingly woven webs of production, consumption, finance, and culture across borders. Indeed, most of what we eat, drink, wear, drive, and entertain ourselves with today are the products of global corporations.

These corporations have been aided by global bureaucracies that have emerged over the last half-century, with the overall result being a concentration of economic and political power that is increasingly unaccountable to governments, people, or the planet and that undermines democracy, equity, and environmental sustainability.

Advocates like to describe economic globalization as a long-term, inevitable process, the result of economic and technological forces that have simply evolved over centuries to their present form. They describe these forces almost as if they were uncontrollable, like forces of nature; they say that it’s utopianism to believe things could be otherwise. To accept this inevitability, as most governments, academics, and mainstream media tend to do, would mean that no resistance is possible. But on the evidence of the hundreds of thousands of people who have demonstrated in Seattle, Quebec City, Porto Alegre, and Cancun, in Geneva and various other European capitals, in India, Japan, and Brazil, in Mexico, the Philippines, New Zealand, Argentina, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere, it should already be obvious that such passivity is no longer the norm.

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Medium 9780253011404

2. Dialogic Authority: Kazakh Aitys Poets and Their Patrons

MADELEINE REEVES Indiana University Press ePub

In this chapter I describe a living poetic tradition in Central Asia: the form of aitys among Kazakhs in Kazakhstan, which is a staged verbal duel between two figures of akhyn, or poets.1 Speaking as and for regions, kin, ancestors, and audiences, poets claim to voice “the truth of the Kazakh people.”2 Aitys poets not only present a positive and inclusive model of cultural belonging, but they also criticize government for its failure to support its citizens. Aitys comes from the Kazakh verb aitysu (to talk to each other). This form of poetry itself is a back-and-forth, a dialogue, and the relationship between poets and their sponsors, who are typically national- and regional-level politicians, is also a two-way street.3

In the case of aitys (as well as many other philanthropic and “cultural” projects in the region), cultural sponsors from the ranks of the country’s political and economic elite have stepped forward with practical monetary support for the performance tradition. That form of cultural patronage is quite common both historically and currently (Levin 1996; Prior 2000). It is a component of “patronage politics” (McGlinchey 2008, 2009), a way in which individuals can establish and reaffirm their position: by being “visible” in the culturally legitimated “places” occupied by the powerful.4 Cultural patronage is also a mechanism by which individuals located outside the networks of wealth and privilege operating at the top tiers of the economy (centralized under authoritarian rule in Central Asia) can substantiate and build up positions within kinship networks, communities, regions, and political parties.

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