Results for: “Political Science”
|Si Kahn||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
Too often we pour the energy needed for recognizing and exploring differences into pretending those differences are insurmountable barriers, or that they do not exist at all. This results in a voluntary isolation or false and treacherous connections. Either way, we do not develop tools for using human differences as a springboard for creative change within our lives.
—AUDRE LORDE, Sister Outsider1
THUS FAR, the balanced, shared-power governance system in the United States has endured through a civil war, foreign wars against far more hierarchical and tightly organized states, economic crises, and significant struggles that challenged the system on its own principle of equal rights for all.
Even after the concerted efforts of privatizers to take over our democratic government during the last quarter of a century, we’ve not lost it entirely. There is still dissent from the ideology of privatization, from among as well as within all our groupings. There are still movements of many kinds that are active on behalf of differing and overlapping causes. There are still unions, and they are reorganizing in order to do their essential work more effectively. There are significant independent media that are neither accountable to nor owned by the corporate media conglomerates, as well as evolving technologies that vastly differing people are using to go around the ever more corporate-controlled media. There are still some politicians, activists, artists, educators, reporters, publishers, and whistle-blowers speaking up and speaking out. 240See All Chapters
|Debra Dinnocenzo||Berrett-Koehler Publishers|
Working Well with Your Family
nirvana eludes you, take heart—you’re not the only one, and it’s probably not anything you’re doing wrong.
In spite of admirable self-discipline, organization, focus, and commitment to balance, many telecommuters experience feelings of guilt, especially in connection with their children. Working at home should allow you to see more of your kids and participate more actively in their lives. It also makes you more vulnerable to their requests for your time and attention. For some telecommuters, this translates into a double-edged sword of guilt: feeling guilty when you’re at home working and not spending time with the kids, AND feeling guilty when you are spending time with the kids or involved in their activities and you’re not working. Well, let’s fast-forward to the bottom line—you can’t be in two places at once (or if you can, please e-mail me immediately with your secret!), and balancing the conflicting top priorities of work and family is just part of the equation (so we’ll just have to deal with it).See All Chapters
|David M. Jordan||Indiana University Press||ePub|
While the Dewey forces worked on accumulating delegate commitments, and John Bricker's people did what they could to put together an anti-Dewey bloc, the national party officers worked on making sure that the national convention itself unrolled smoothly and as planned. Harrison Spangler, the Republican national chairman, got together his twenty-six-member arrangements committee in Chicago on April 18 and 19, to see where they stood.
Joe Martin of Massachusetts, the House minority leader, was pretty much agreed on by everyone as the permanent chairman of the convention. Martin had served in this role in 1940, and there were no complaints about his fairness and efficiency. The question of the convention's temporary chairman, however, was very much up in the air. The principal function of the temporary chairman was to give the keynote address the first night of the convention. The keynoter gave to the nation, in his speech and even more in his persona, the image of the party which its leaders wished to present.See All Chapters
|Courtenay W. Daum||University Press of Colorado||ePub|
The State of Change Changes Again
Courtenay W. Daum, Robert J. Duffy, and John A. Straayer
As illustrated throughout this volume, Colorado’s politics, which for over 100 years has featured an independent citizenry, is nothing if not both changeable and resistant to one-party rule. For most of the state’s history, neither the Democratic nor the Republican Party has been able to fully dominate elective politics; on the few occasions when one party has gained the upper hand, complete hegemony was short-lived. Republicans found that out in 2004, as did the Democrats in 2010.
Consistent with our argument that Colorado politics is fluid and subject to change, the state’s political landscape shifted again in the months preceding the 2010 midterm elections. In this election cycle, change came in the context of continuing voter dissatisfaction with the national and state economies and the perception that the Democratic Congress and President Barack Obama were not responding adequately to the economic crisis. No matter that similar public unhappiness with the government and the bad economy had been directed at a Republican president and his party just two years earlier—an unhappiness that helped put the Democrats in charge of both chambers of the US Congress and the White House in the first place. Notably, these frustrations played a role in the emergence of the Tea Party Movement, a political development that had great significance in Colorado politics during the 2010 primary and general elections. That said, as is the norm in midterm elections, the minority party gained seats in the General Assembly and in the state’s US House delegation.See All Chapters
|John Graham||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
Wherever there is a human being, there is an opportunity for kindness.
THE PUBLIC PROCESS solves problems best when people deliberate with respect, integrity, and concern for the common good.
But that conduct is not what we usually see in the public arena—at any level—and it’s not the way most people think about any public process, especially where there’s conflict or the possibility of conflict. From the U.S. Congress to your local school board, too often we see the public process bringing out the worst in people, not the best. Getting involved in it often seems as attractive as having a root canal.
That’s a tragedy. As I said in the preface to this book, what most often separates success from failure in solving public problems is a positive and compassionate spirit, and competence in the so-called soft skills that flow from such a spirit—such as building trust, communicating with sensitivity, and inspiring others. What’s in your heart is at least as important as what’s in your head.See All Chapters
|John T. Shaw||Indiana University Press||ePub|
One of the last places in the world one might expect to find a senior American senator during the waning days of summer is on the western fringe of Siberia gazing at a half-finished bridge. But for Senator Richard Lugar, the two-time chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and now its top Republican, the bridge he was looking at on that spectacular late August day in 2007 was a symbol of cooperation between the United States and Russia—and a harbinger of hope that the world will be able to secure, and then dispose of, weapons of mass destruction.
Lugar was joined on the trip by former Democratic senator Sam Nunn, his long-time partner in the effort to help the nations of the former Soviet Union secure their weapons of mass destruction. Nunn, now the chief executive officer of the Nuclear Threat Initiative, was traveling with Lugar on a weeklong trip to Russia, Ukraine, and Albania to get a first-hand assessment of how their signature program, the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, was working on the ground. Lugar is one of the most knowledgeable lawmakers on foreign policy issues and is highly respected in diplomatic and military circles. He is seen as one of those rare American politicians who understands the nuances of foreign policy, is willing to work hard at non-glamorous issues, and is effective in using the tools at his disposal to influence foreign policy. He is willing to do those time-consuming and tedious tasks of legislating that capture few headlines and confer few political benefits, such as studying a half-finished bridge on the edge of Siberia.See All Chapters
|Jane Blaffer Owen||Indiana University Press||ePub|
When I consider everything that grows
—Shakespeare, Sonnet XV
Looking back in my ninety-fifth year, with all passion spent, I can still taste the pleasures I forfeited with the removal of that fruited tree of friendship. Philip Johnson’s lunch table at the Seagram Building’s Four Seasons Restaurant had been the hub of New York’s political, art, and architectural life. Charismatic, handsome Mayor John Lindsay would sometimes join us for coffee, as would Patrick Moynihan, New York’s justly beloved senator, his lips two ripe cherries bouncing with mirth, or Andy Warhol, his boyish face and hair having seemingly emerged from a flour barrel.
This glamorous world was a far cry from my husband’s horse farm in Pennsylvania and my daughter’s tutors at the Stanhope Hotel. Albeit on the periphery of Johnson’s urbane world, I reveled in my borrowed feathers. Sometimes Philip teased me about my faith but also wished he had it. (Philip once admitted that he had sheltered me from the more flamboyant and decadent aspects of the New York lifestyle, out of respect for my religious sensibilities.) “Fine,” I had said about his interest in my faith, “I’ll introduce you,” and had looked for opportunities to expose an atheist architect to a priestly inhabitant of my church world.See All Chapters
|Peter Barnes||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
If you dont know where youre going,
My sons play a computer game called Sim City. Its a brilliant invention that lets you design, grow, and govern your own virtual metropolis. You plunk down streets, sewers, power systems, and subways. You zone for commerce, industry, and residences. You drop in schools, hospitals, and fire stations. Soon a city comes to life. Its enough to engross kids for hours.
Now imagine an adult game called Sim Commons that lets you design and grow your own virtual economic sector. The object of the game is to produce the most happiness with the least destruction of nature. You plunk down commons trusts, and from simple menus you assign them property rights, ownership regimes, and management algorithms. As you play, the computer displays your happiness and nature scores. Through trial and error, you learn what combinations of moves work best.
In the real world, building a new commons sector will be something like that. While we wait for an historic shift at the national level, we can build and experiment at lower levels. We can test different kinds of trusts, nonprofits, and informal associations, seeing how closely they can hew to commons principles. Then, when history is ready for bigger changes, well be ready too.See All Chapters
|David H. Ikard||Indiana University Press||ePub|
Come out of the fog, young man. And remember you don’t have to be a complete fool in order to succeed. Play the game, but don’t believe in it – that much you owe yourself. Even if it lands you in a strait jacket or a padded cell. Play the game, but play it your way – part of the time at least. Play the game, but raise the ante, my boy. Learn how it operates, learn how you operate – I wish I had time to tell you only a fragment. We’re an ass-backward people, though. You might even beat the game. It’s really a very crude affair. Really pre-Renaissance – and that game has been analyzed, put down in books. But down here they’ve forgotten to take care of the books and that’s your opportunity. You’re hidden right out in the open – that is, you would be if you only realized it. They wouldn’t see you because they don’t expect you to know anything, since they believe they’ve taken care of that …
Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man
The epigraph from ralph ellison’s invisible man is the advice that the “crazy” vet from the Golden Day – a bar/juke joint where a bunch of “shell-shocked” black war veterans hang out – gives invisible man as he heads north to find an internship after being expelled from his university for mishandling Mr. Norton, a millionaire white philanthropist. As the reader will recall, invisible man first encounters the crazy vet at the Golden Day. After Mr. Norton passes out during the melee at the bar, sparked in large part by his white presence, the vet and former surgeon revives him and rightly diagnoses the medical cause of his unconsciousness. When Mr. Norton inquires about his medical knowledge, the vet tells him about his experiences in the military as a brain surgeon; how acts of dehumanization and violence led to ulcers and his becoming sour on the notion that black accommodationism is the most viable path to success and prosperity in America: “These hands so lovingly trained to master a scalpel yearn to caress a trigger. I returned to save life and I was refused…. Ten [white] men in masks drove me out from the city at midnight and beat me with whips for saving a human life. And I was forced to the utmost degradation because I possessed skilled hands and the belief that my knowledge could bring me dignity – and other men health!”1 While the vet does not provide Mr. Norton or the reader with details about the particulars of his racial beat down, we can deduce that he was brutally beaten because he operated on a white person, and most likely a white woman, in a life-or-death scenario and was rewarded for his heroics with violence and humiliation. Though the virulently paternalistic and blind Mr. Norton labels him bitter, the reality is that the vet is justifiably indignant – he tried to use his surgical skills to save white lives even though, as a group, whites were chiefly responsible for his socioeconomic subjugation as a black man. In effect, he played by the white supremacist rules of black accommodationism and still couldn’t avoid racial violence and dehumanization.See All Chapters
|Lee H. Hamilton||Indiana University Press||ePub|
WHEN RONALD REAGAN BECAME PRESIDENT THERE WAS SOME skepticism among Washington insiders about how well the administration of this actor and two-term governor would do. But historians looking back over the years give his presidency fairly high marks.
Reagan had strongly held conservative beliefs, but it always seemed to me that he was more pragmatic than is generally recognized. In his first inaugural address, he talked about government being the problem rather than the solution, but he signed every appropriations bill funding the government and he didn’t try to abolish any federal departments. Earlier in his career he had denounced Medicare as socialism, but as president he did not try to repeal it and instead tried to protect it. He called the Soviet Union “the evil empire,” but he did not aggressively challenge it and shifted to a “trust, but verify” approach. He wanted steep reductions in income taxes, but realized that he went too far with his first tax bill and corrected course by supporting a large tax hike.See All Chapters
|Zaid Hassan||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
How and what we eat determines to a great extent the use we make of this world—and what is to become of it.
— Michael Pollen, The Omnivore’s Dilemma: A Natural History of Four Meals
One sign of genuine strategic intent is doing things because we personally think it’s a good idea, as opposed to doing something because we are told to. At Generon I found genuine strategic intent in abundance. Behind a relatively conservative front, I found myself part of a tiny group that had taken upon itself a mission to address “ten global problems in ten years.” No one had asked us to undertake this mission and we had no authority from anyone to take it on.1
The means of undertaking this mission was called the change lab. Change labs are first-generation social labs. They’re prototypes because they draw on a relatively narrow base of approaches, whereas next-generation social labs draw on a much wider range. During the life of Generon, several change labs were attempted.
The core idea of the change lab came from Leadership in the Digital Economy, coauthored by Joseph Jaworksi and Otto Scharmer.2 They argued that “doing well in the new economy requires the enhancement of a particular capacity: the ability to sense and actualize emerging realities.” The lab from its very first conception was concerned less with planning and more with emergence.See All Chapters
|Paul Santa Cruz||UNT Press||ePub|
Jack Kennedy had held the most powerful office in the world, but his thirty-four-year-old widow held the power of his memory.
—Journalist and Biographer Sally Bedell Smith1
The objective of this work is to examine the practical value of popular memory: how the public’s grief over President Kennedy’s sudden death was channeled toward the accomplishment of political goals on both local and national levels. However, the construction, reinforcement, and use of JFK’s memory are hardly confined to the political examples detailed in the previous three chapters. Others have similarly influenced that memory in furtherance of their own objectives, altruistic or otherwise. Repeatedly, we see that memory curiously does not always reflect reality. At times it is only partially faithful to events as they actually transpired. It is precisely for this reason that shaping memory, if done successfully, can be a potentially powerful way of selling a cause. In the case of Jacqueline Kennedy, the power and resilience of memory were based not simply on who shaped that memory, but perhaps more so upon subsequent events. Those who assume for themselves the role of sculptor of the public’s memory of an individual do so in the context of surrounding circumstances. Influencing how the public chooses to remember, both at the time and decades later, is no simple task, and the manner in which one tries to define how someone should be remembered is still dependent on whether that manner of remembering validates what the public wants to believe.See All Chapters
|Hillel Bardin||Indiana University Press||ePub|
Our group (which was still unnamed) was one of the only peace organizations sponsoring joint Israeli-Palestinian activities at that time, and possibly the only one that did not have an anti-Israeli character. Peace Now has always been divided internally between people who feel that its mandate is to work exclusively within the Israeli community, and those (usually a minority) who feel that the best results come from joint demonstrative activities.
In early 1989, Peace Now tried to hold joint meetings with Palestinians in several villages, but the army prevented them. Finally, the organization went to court and got permission to visit several villages simultaneously. That activity was scheduled for a Saturday, the one day that Israelis did not work (in those days of the six-day work week, before we went over to a five-day work week). But our group included many Jews who did not travel on the Sabbath, and this meant that we would not be able to participate in exactly the kind of activity that we specialized in. We held a planning meeting to discuss this problem.See All Chapters
|Carol O’Keefe Wilson||University of North Texas Press|
he man who had succeeded H. C. Poe as the Temple State Bank’s chief executive early in 1917, T. H. Heard, resigned that position in December of 1918. Heard, the former president of the Heidenheimer Bank, had experienced his own challenges with Jim Ferguson. In late December of
1916 insufficient funds had forced him to turn down a large check that Ferguson had written on an account at the Heidenheimer bank. This had angered Ferguson who, in open court, accused Heard of being full of “Poe poison.” In August of 1917, as the new president of the Temple State Bank, Heard was called before Judge William
Masterson of the Fifty-fifth District Court to explain why he could not turn over the sum of escrow money that Jim Ferguson was presumably holding in the Temple bank in the land sale. There was little Heard could say since Ferguson had spent the money in question.1
Jim reclaimed the presidency of the Temple State Bank but the position had long lost any semblance of prestige. The Fergusons’ personal financial situation remained perilous, but Jim continued to use a sort of “scatter” business approach, investing in a variety of ventures hoping one or more would take hold and flourish. None did. In addition to his newspaper, The Ferguson Forum, Jim owned (or co-owned) a creamery in Bosque County and held stock in a meat market and a produce market, both in Temple. Probably his greatest hope rested in his renewed endeavor: oil speculation. He made several attempts, drilling in Liberty and Eastland Counties, starting his own Money Oil Company, Chance to Lose Oil Company, and Kokernot OilSee All Chapters
In the state of nature rights exist but they are enforceable only in proportion to their claimants power. Only within the covenant does the enforcement of rights itself become a right. Here the power of the whole supports the rights even of those who can contribute nothing to that power; it does this not out of charity but out of solicitude for the rights themselves.
But those who can contribute and will not, or who repudiate the covenant and oppose their power to its provisions, remove themselves from the beneficent sphere of its protection, and revert to the state of nature, forfeiting the right to have their rights enforced. They become, quite literally, outlaws. If, like Thoreau, they merely decline to contribute their share to the power of the whole, they may be left to defend themselves individually against predation as best they can, so long as they present no threat to the community in whose midst they live. If, however, they declare by word or deed aggressive war against the covenant, its adherents have no choice but to treat them as wild beasts to be forcibly restrained or, if need be, eliminated.r Since they are not party to the compact, they cannot he justly punished for breaking it, any more than a rabid dog can be justly punished for sinking its fangs into a child. Retributive justice is germane only against those who violate a mutually understood ideal. But this is not to say that society should not defend itself with measures as severe as may be necessary, or that rabid dogs should not be shot.See All Chapters