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15 Bethlehem, Wadi Fukin, Nahalin, and Husan

Hillel Bardin Indiana University Press ePub

In the initial years of the First Intifada, we had many dialogue groups working in parallel, more than the reader would have patience to follow. In Ramallah, a large and important Palestinian city north of Jerusalem, we organized two dialogue groups. The more politically oriented group had all the potential to take off, with an excellent group of people from each nation, yet it quickly ground to a halt for reasons that we could never comprehend. The second took a more personal shape and was active for many years under the leadership (on the Israeli side) of Professor Yoram Bilu, with the closely knit group meeting alternately in homes in Jerusalem and Ramallah.

The leader of the Jabel Mukabber group, Jamil Salhut, introduced us to the journalist Mohammed Manasra, who wrote for the communist paper, and his wife, Najah, who taught psychiatric nursing. They lived in Bethlehem behind the Civil Administration headquarters. Mohammed organized a number of dialogues, including several for high school students, which met in the neutral location of the Tantur Ecumenical Institute on the border between Bethlehem and Jerusalem. Our Danny Orstav, who felt strongly that the most important contacts were between youths, was very active in these meetings. Mohammed also arranged several meetings with young people in Bethlehem who had been badly wounded by Israeli soldiers, yet who maintained a friendly optimism and welcomed the chance to meet, without rancor, with Israelis.

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2 Liturgical Music and the Middle Class

Merih Erol Indiana University Press ePub

2    Liturgical Music and the Middle Class

IN ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY, music was considered a privileged pedagogical field whose correct cultivation served the moral development of the person and consequently the flourishing of the collectivity in which he lived. In the early centuries of Christianity, music was also significant as an effective means of communicating with the divine. In various passages of their writings, the great fathers of the Church addressed Christians in musical terms: “Exalt Him with the voice of the trumpet…. Exalt Him with the psaltery and the cithara. Or, with the drum and the lyre.”1 In Basil the Great’s Epistles, the prayer of the congregation who confesses to God in pain, sorrow, and tears is followed by antiphonal singing rendering the Psalm.2 Reversibly, as opposed to the “beneficial” or positive ways of using the sense of hearing, as in the case of singing hymns of praise and thanksgiving to God, the “abuse” of this sense was severely forbidden by the Orthodox monastic tradition.

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Medium 9781607320524

Four: The Consuming Public and the Industrial Commission

R. Todd Laugen University Press of Colorado ePub

In his 1906 Annual Message to Congress, President Roosevelt urged support for a bill to mandate the government investigation of labor disputes before allowing workers to strike.1 In an “age of great corporate and labor combinations,” the president insisted that “the public has itself an interest which can not wisely be disregarded; an interest not merely of general convenience, for the question of a just and proper public policy must also be considered.”2 Congress at the time was unmoved. Yet Roosevelt’s proposal signaled a growing Progressive movement to compel the investigation and arbitration of major labor conflicts. This movement peaked in the years soon after World War I. National advocates for government mediation insisted that an impartial commission of experts could peacefully negotiate workplace disputes and spare the consuming public the contests of will and force associated with major strikes. The federal arbitration of railroad and mining conflicts established important precedents.3

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Medium 9781576754429

1: AWAKENING

Halpern, Charles Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

I STEPPED INTO the main entrance of the federal district courthouse, a sterile modern building facing the manicured lawn of the Mall, between the Capitol and the White House in the heart of official Washington. I greeted the guard by name as I walked through the green marble lobby. “How ya doin’ Mr. Hapner? Nice to see you back,” he said.

“I’ve got a big case in district court this morning,” I said, as breezily as I could manage, as if I had trials and arguments in the courthouse every day. Just two years earlier, in 1965, I had been a law clerk in this same building, my first job out of law school, doing research and drafting opinions and memoranda for an appellate judge. Today I was returning, dressed in my gray pin-striped suit, carrying my new monogrammed calf-skin briefcase. I was lead counsel in a case I cared about deeply, asking the court to take unprecedented steps to protect the rights of mental patients confined in public mental hospitals against their will. I was no longer carrying the bags for a senior partner in a case for a bank or drug company. This was my first big step into professional autonomy.

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Medium 9780253003089

2. Migration as Coping with Risk and State Barriers: Malian Migrants’ Conception of Being Far from Home

Edited by Abdoulaye Kane and Todd H Lee Indiana University Press ePub

ISAIE DOUGNON TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY HELENE GAGLIARDI

Death, starvation, overexploitation, poverty, life sans papier, states’ barriers (arrests and imprisonment), unemployment—just to name a few—are the words most used to redefine migration in order to discourage young Malians from undertaking dangerous trips to Europe or large African cities. What, however, is the real impact of this communication strategy, even coupled with setting up the legal and physical barriers? In fact, we see that in spite of discursive campaigns against migration and small-scale rural development projects to create job opportunities, youth migration from rural and urban Mali is intensifying and the destinations are more diverse. This chapter tries to demonstrate that the policymakers’ discourse on the danger of migration is, in fact, at the core of Malian conceptions of traveling outside their community. In most West African societies, “migration” means a pilgrimage into the wilderness. How, given this grassroots’ understanding of migration, will state policies be able to stop rural and urban movement toward African and European cities?

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Medium 9781607320548

PART VII Reaching Sufficiency: Structuring Decision Making

David M. Freeman University Press of Colorado ePub

Seven-eighths of anything cannot be seen.

—GENERALIZED ICEBERG THEOREM

The problem in general was that environmental impact statement (EIS) and biological opinion (BO) analytical teams had been attempting to formulate publicly defensible documents in the service of a more natural variable flow vision, but the states and water providers had accepted virtually none of their ideas. How could the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) go into the public arena with a draft EIS that examined a program proposal the states would not associate themselves with in major respects? Did the USFWS and the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation (USBR) really want to release descriptions and examinations of a proposed program that would quickly be disavowed by the states and their water providers? Doing so would be disastrous. Such a move would play directly into the hands of those who would welcome the collapse of the entire enterprise—especially those who opposed the intent of the 1973 Endangered Species Act (ESA)—and who would gain the advantage in the ongoing environmental policy debates if handed an important example of failure on the Platte River.

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Medium 9780253356772

Appendix 3. Drunken Children

Harri Englund Indiana University Press ePub

A story broadcast on Nkhani Zam’maboma on July 19, 2003, followed by translation.

Bambo ŵina yemwe amagwira ntchito pa sitolo ya mwenye ŵina ku Limbe m’mzinda wa Blantyre akuti anamwetsa ana ake masese atasoŵa ndalama yodyetsera anawo. Bamboyo akuti amakhala [location omitted] kutawuni ya Ndirande m’mzinda wa Blantyre. Mwezi wathawu mkuluyu akuti sanalandire malipiro ake a pamwezi pa zifukwa za pakati pa iyeyo ndi bwana wake. Atafika ku nyumba mkuluyu akuti anapeza mkazi ŵake atapita kwawo kamba kotopa ndi umphaŵi. Mayiyo akuti anasiya ana onse amene anabereka ndi mkuluyo ndipo pofika pa nyumbapo bamboyo akuti anaŵapeza anaŵa akungolira ndi njala. Izi zinamuimitsa mutu ndipo anaganiza zosakasaka chakudya. Pochoka pa khomopo mkuluyu anatenga poto ndi kuloŵera kumalo ena kumene amagulitsa mowa wa masese. Atafika kumaloko bamboyo akuti anatolera mapakete a masese omwe anthu anataya ndi kuyamba kukhuthulira masese otsalira mu potomo. Poto litadzadza mkuluyu anabwerera kunyumba yake ndi kuŵiritsa masesewo. Ataŵira bamboyo akuti anamwetsa anawo omwe anaganiza kuti ndi mphala. Atamwa maseseŵa anaŵa akuti analedzera kwambiri ndipo mkulu anaŵanyamula ndi kuŵagoneka. Pakadali pano akuti bamboyo anaima mutu ndipo ŵasiya kupita ku ntchito.

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Medium 9780253354303

1 Tracing the Origins of an Idea and the UN’s Contribution

Thomas G. Weiss Indiana University Press ePub

• Global Governance: The Idea

• Governance without Government

• Globalization

• An Historical Perspective

• Identifying and Diagnosing Problems

• The UN’s Ideational Role: This Book and the UNIHP Series

This chapter explores three themes: the idea of global governance itself, the UN’s ideational role in framing this idea, and the anomalies in the international system that have provided openings for the spread of this concept. The UN’s “ideational role” is fancy new packaging for the world organization’s intellectual or creative capacities in global governance—its efforts to understand problems and address them by formulating norms or policy recommendations.1

We identify gaps or disconnects in order to examine the search for new solutions—including new combinations of actors—to address challenges that are beyond the capacities of states. The essential challenge in contemporary global problem-solving is the fact that no central authority exists to make global policy choices and mobilize the required resources to implement these decisions. Consequently, only second- or even third-best solutions are feasible at present. The United Nations has been more effective in filling gaps in knowledge and norms than in making decisions with teeth and acting upon them.

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Medium 9781609948337

19 Who Owns the Beach?

Rowe, Jonathan Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Some 70 percent of the Earth’s surface consists of oceans, and we all own them. But getting access to what we own isn’t always easy.

Here’s the math. Half the population of the United States lives within 50 miles of the coast. But 70 percent of coastal land is privately owned, and the percentage is increasing all the time. A relatively small group of private owners constitutes a blockade to a much larger group of common owners. What gives?

If this sounds like a cue for lawyers to enter—well, it is. Beachfront access has become a heated issue from California to Maine and in the Great Lakes states in between. There have been major victories for the public, but private property fundamentalists have mounted a predictable reaction, and the Supreme Court is not inhospitable to their cause.

Coastal access is one arena in which the weight of precedent stands on the commoners’ side. The public trust doctrine, which goes back to Roman times, declares that waterways are inherently public and cannot be sold even if the sovereign wants to. The first U.S. court to articulate this doctrine was the New Jersey Supreme Court, in a case involving oyster beds. “Where the tide ebbs and flows, the ports, the bays, the coasts of the sea, including both the water and the land under the water … are common to all the people,” the New Jersey court said in the nineteenth-century case of Arnold v. Mundy. Each person, it added, “has a right to use them according to his pleasure.”

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Medium 9781576754634

Chapter 6 Taxation without Representation

Hartmann, Thom Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

This is not the first time Americans have been screwed.

The American colonists were screwed, too. By the 1700s the colonists living in America should have been well off. Once they had chased away or killed the Native Americans (also screwed), they had plenty of land. Trade was booming. Small businesses were springing up in cities all over the East Coast. A young kid like Benjamin Franklin, coming from modest means, could be apprenticed to a tradesman and hope to easily stay in the middle class.

But by the 1750s, folks realized that something was terribly wrong. The harder they worked, the less money they had. Instead of living in a democracy, they found that their country was run by King George II, and he saw it as a great cash cow—for himself and his wealthy cronies.

King George set the rules of business in America. He levied sales taxes (called “excise laws”) on almost every product Americans consumed. To make matters worse, he added import taxes (“duties”) on the items Americans brought in from overseas.

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Medium 9781609945169

4 Build Your Leadership Teams

Pelosi, Christine Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

Innovation distinguishes between
a leader and a follower.

STEVE JOBS

To win you must lead—and to lead you must innovate. A confident leader draws upon the best resources available and welcomes the guidance of innovative experts whose associating, questioning, observing, networking, and experimenting will propel the campaign forward. As a practical matter this means you recruit a diverse team of people who have demonstrated success in their profession and leadership in their community and you make sure the egos blend well in the cauldron of crisis. Candidates who think they know it all and surround themselves with people who reinforce that self-deception are doomed to fail.

Ultimately, the candidate or the campaign leader must weigh all advice and make the decision. GreenDog Campaigns’ Dotty LeMieux reminds us: “The old adage ‘Too many cooks spoil the broth’ is true in politics as in cooking. Of course you want to get input from others, but some candidates just can’t seem to say ‘no.’ They forget there’s a chain of command, and want to take everyone’s advice. They’re nervous and insecure and it shows.”1

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Medium 9781576756270

Chapter 7 The Code of the Core Story

Hartmann, Thom Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

The newest computer can merely compound, at speed, the oldest problem in the relations between human beings, and in the end the communicator will be confronted with the old problem, of what to say and how to say it.

— EDWARD R. MURROW

One reason why we got the Reagan revolution in the eighties was because Americans—particularly Democrats and liberals—had stopped paying attention to the political responses they were getting.

As that great liberal president Dwight D. Eisenhower said in a letter to Edgar Newton Eisenhower on November 8, 1954:

Should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. There is a tiny splinter group, of course, that believes you can do these things. Among them are…[a] few other Texas oil millionaires, and an occasional politician or business man from other areas. Their number is negligible and they are stupid.1

 

Liberals assumed that Americans still shared Eisenhower’s perspective, but they didn’t check those assumptions with the American public. As it turns out, while liberals were busy during the 1980s, figuring out who should be helped first and what the highest potential of people could be, the conservatives were busy telling a different story. In the conservative story, liberals were people who wanted to spend your money. When they weren’t spending money, said the conservatives, liberals were busy letting criminals out on the streets (recall that it was a Republican governor who had signed that legislation in Massachusetts).

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Medium 9780253006271

Conclusion: Artisans of Free and French

Walsh, John Patrick Indiana University Press ePub

This book has brought together Toussaint Louverture and Aimé Césaire to examine their historical expressions of “free and French.” Over the years, metropolitan representatives of the French Republic tried to translate and contain their voices. If the relationships between various French governments and the two overseas leaders were often tumultuous during their life spans, in death, both men would be brought back into the fold. In a more circumspect way, one might say that the French officially recognized their redacted contributions to the Republic. On 27 April 1998, the French government brought Toussaint into the Pantheon, the national monument to “Great Men from a Grateful Country” (as reads the inscription above its main entrance). The date was auspicious, as it also marked the 150th anniversary of the 1848 decree of the French abolition of slavery. Toussaint, who was inducted along with Louis Delgrès, the Guadeloupean martyr, was remembered with a plaque that reads, “Combattant de la liberté, artisan de l’abolition de l’esclavage, héros haïtien mort déporté au Fort de Joux en 1803 [Combatant of liberty, artisan of the abolition of slavery, Haitian hero deported to the Fort de Joux, dead in 1803].” The inscription is on the hallway that leads to the tombs of Victor Schœlcher and Félix Eboué, the colonial administrator from Guyana. Then minister of justice, Elisabeth Guigou, praised Toussaint and Delgrès as “heroes of the Republic” and “precursors of decolonization.”1 Thirteen years later, on 6 April 2011, President Sarkozy presided over the commemoration of Césaire, whose plaque was placed in the crypt between Caves XXV and XXVI, just down the hall from Toussaint. The plaque memorialized Césaire as an “inlassable artisan de la décolonisation [tireless artisan of decolonization].” This national homage, which included the presence of Césaire’s family and the projection of a short film by fellow Martinican Euzhan Palcy, saw President Sarkozy honor the poet and statesman as a man “so profoundly Martinican and, at the same time, so profoundly French.”2 On this day, the official memory of Césaire, joining that of Toussaint, was engraved into the walls of the Pantheon.

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PART VI: TO RECLAIM OUR POWER

Korten, David C. Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

By deliberately changing the internal image of reality, people can change the world.

—WILLIS HARMAN

I believe that the world has moved closer to oneness and more people see each other as one with the other. . . . It is possible to have new thoughts and new common values for humans and all other forms of life.

—WANGARI MAATHAI,
coordinator, Kenya Green Belt Movement

No sane person seeks a world divided between billions of people living in absolute deprivation and a tiny elite guarding their wealth and luxury behind fortress walls. No one rejoices at the prospect of life in a world of collapsing social and ecological systems. Yet we continue to place human civilization and even our species’ survival at risk mainly to allow a few million people to accumulate money beyond any conceivable need. We continue to go boldly where no one wants to go.

Many are awakening to the reality that economic globalization has come at an intolerable price. In the name of modernity we create dysfunctional societies that breed pathological behavior—violence, extreme competitiveness, suicide, drug abuse, greed, and environmental degradation—at every hand. Such behavior is the inevitable consequence of a society’s failure to meet the needs of its members for social bonding, trust, affection, and shared sacred meaning.1 Yet the madness of pursuing policies that deepen economic, social, and environmental dysfunction is not inevitable. The idea that we are caught in the grip of irresistible historical forces and inherent, irreversible human imperfections to which we must adapt is pure fabrication. Corporate globalization is advanced by the conscious choices of those who view the world through the lens of corporate interest. Human alternatives do exist, and those who view the world through the lens of a healthy society have both the right and the power to choose them.

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Sangit Kumar Ragi Laxmi Publications PDF

5

George Elton Mayo

(1880–1949)

Biographical sketch

George Elton Mayo was an Australian, born in 1880 at Adelaide. He was trained in several subjects like Logic, Philosophy, Medicine, and Psychology.

After completing his MA in Philosophy from the University of Adelaide in

1899 he went to Scotland, where he studied medicine and psychopathology, which later on established him as a world-renowned industrial psychologist and a pioneer of a new school of thought in the field of administration and management science. Mayo also taught philosophy at Queensland University for a brief time. However, his real professional career started with coming to

United States of America on a research grant from Rockefeller Foundation.

First, he joined the famous Wharton School of Finance and Commerce at the University of Pennsylvania and later on he was appointed as professor and head of the Department of Industrial Research at Harvard in 1926 where he worked in this capacity till retirement in 1947. After retirement he went to

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