Results for: “Political Science”
|Thom Hartmann||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
The liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it comes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism—ownership of government by an individual, by a group.
—Franklin D. Roosevelt
I STARTED MY FIRST BUSINESS AT THE AGE OF 17 WITH $25. I PAID that amount to rent a shelf in a head shop (which sold mostly pipes, bongs, and cigarette papers) across the street from Michigan State University in East Lansing. The shelf had a sign: “The Electronics Joint—leave your stereo or TV here for repair, and we’ll return it fixed within a week. Free estimate of charges before work is done.” The guy who ran the head shop managed the shelf for 10 percent of our revenues plus the $25-per-month shelf rental; within two years the venture had grown to include five employees, and we moved into our own storefront down the street.
As the business grew, however, I didn’t manage it wisely and ended up about $3,000 in debt, which was a lot of money in 1968 for a part-time student and part-time DJ. Ultimately, I had to shut the company down and go to work full-time as a radio DJ.See All Chapters
|New World Library||ePub|
Every enthusiast has a “big fish” story. For urban cyclists, it’s sometimes about the weirdest or biggest thing we’ve carried by bike: furniture, pets, toilet augers. Before you bungee your new armchair to your bike, here are a few basics to get you started.
Shopping by bike is the hippest way to shop, hands down. We shop by bike because it’s faster than walking. We shop as we commute. It’s easier to carry things by bike than on the bus. We exercise as we shop. It costs nothing. It reduces our carbon footprint. Parking is right at the door. It’s easy to make several stops. It soothes our environmental conscience.
Why, then, do so many shy away from shopping by bike? Stowing and hauling all that stuff can be a bit intimidating. And yet there are many options. Here we look at all the ways to shop using a conventional bicycle. Cargo bicycles are also a great way to shop by bike — see chapter 18.
Without special accessories, you can shop with a backpack. It’s great for small loads, and several packs on the market are designed specifically for cyclists. A pack makes it easy to carry your purchases off the bike, and many have a strap or pocket to stow your helmet. The only downside is that cycling with a backpack isn’t as comfortable. Your back gets sweaty, and the load shifts around as you ride. Still, a backpack is a great starting option, because you might not need to buy anything new to start shopping by bike.See All Chapters
|Thom Hartmann||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
By preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry, he [the entrepreneur] intends only his own security, and by directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.
—Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, 1776*
THE WHITE HOUSE CALLED ME.
About a year after President Barack Obama took office, on the first anniversary of his major economic recovery legislation, his administration was struggling to get the word out that the legislation was, in fact, quite a success story. I found myself invited to the White House as part of a small group of well-known authors and bloggers to meet with a top administration economist as part of this promotion effort.
It was an odd problem they were facing, given that this president was masterful during the 2008 election campaign in communicating his ideas and his vision to the American public. So what happened? Why didn’t America know that the $787 billion legislation represented one of the largest middle-class tax cuts in American history, that it had demonstrably created or preserved between 1.5 million and 3 million jobs, and that it had, in all probability, prevented the severe recession Obama inherited from George W. Bush from turning into a second Republican Great Depression, at least in the short term?See All Chapters
|Collins, Chuck||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies… . A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth.
A sleeping giant has awoken. After being told that there is nothing we can do to stop the greed, looting, and growing inequalities, the 99 percent now knows the world doesn’t have to be this way.
The global 1 percent has recovered; their wealth is largely intact and they are back at the speculative gaming table. Meanwhile, the rest of the world is reeling from deep unemployment, anxious employment, diminished wealth, and insecurity.1
In January 2012, Time magazine named the protester as its Person of the Year. All around us are signs of emerging social movements, pointing the way toward a new economy. After seeing their dreams shattered, the 99 percent got organized.
Now the streets are filled with chants and signs: WALL STREET GOT BAILED OUT, WE GOT FORECLOSED. Vast numbers of Americans identify with the rallying cry “We are the 99 percent.”See All Chapters
|Paul R Spickard||Indiana University Press||ePub|
Germany has been a country of immigration and emigration since long before its foundation as a nation-state in 1871. People came from the east and south, whether they were the Polish mine workers at the end of the nineteenth century who came to the Ruhr region or the guest workers from Turkey and Italy who arrived in West Germany during the second half of the twentieth century. Germany has also been a place where people left for different parts of the world, as far away as Central Asia or the Americas. Strangely enough, the historical narrative of Germany as a country of migrants plays only a marginal role in history schoolbooks and in the country’s collective memory.
On the contrary, the romanticized notion of the German people, Volksgemeinschaft, as an ethnically, linguistically, and racially homogeneous nation has been the prevailing ideology for most of the last century. This ideology found its official expression in Germany’s citizenship laws as early as 1913.1 Based on the jus sanguinis principle, or the descent principle, German citizenship sharply distinguished between those who were granted and those who were not granted political membership. For decades, individuals who were not of ethnic German origin could not become legal Germans even if they were born, raised, and permanently lived in the country.See All Chapters
|Debra Dinnocenzo||Berrett-Koehler Publishers|
Working Well With Your Team
1 Agreement with a reliable and well-connected on-site colleague who is willing to be your “eyes and ears” in the grapevine.
T R A N S F E R
P R O M P T L Y
I M P R O V E
P E R F O R M A N C E
Stay on Track for Promotions
(and Other Good Deals)
It’s difficult to overemphasize the importance of visibility when you telecommute. Isolation and fear of being overlooked for promotion are two of the biggest fears telecommuters typically report, and probably for good reason. Avoiding isolation is somewhat within your control, and there are clearly steps you can take to deal with this (Tip
26). Staying on track for promotions (or job rotations) holds some different challenges but is also manageable with a concerted effort and commitment on your part.
Before fretting over the promotion you might not get, it’s a good idea to be sure you really want it. What will it involve (greater responsibility, increased travel, supervision of others, the need to give up telecommuting)? Will the rewards be worth it (corresponding increase in income, new and challenging work, exposure to other aspects of the organization, requisite experience or skills for a future promotion or job opportunity)? Since you are the ultimate manager of your career (Tip 30), it’s vital that you ask the questions and find the answers. If you decide that moving up, sideways, or along in some other way is best for you, then lay out the track that train needs to move on. Here are some ways to help you on your journey:See All Chapters
|Adam Kahane||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
|Zaid Hassan||Berrett-Koehler Publishers||ePub|
Having a strategy suggests an ability to look up from the short term and the trivial to view the long term and the essential, to address causes rather than symptons.
— Lawrence Freedman, Strategy: A History
A social lab is a strategic approach toward addressing complex social challenges. As a strategy, it isn’t too hard to grasp. It can be stated simply. Bring together a diverse, committed team and take an experimental, prototyping-based approach to addressing challenges systemically, that is, at a root-cause level. Keep going. That’s it.
A key challenge I have seen over the years with responses to complex social challenges comes when strategy is confused with tactics. What’s the difference between strategy and tactics? According to Wikipedia, “In common vernacular, ‘tactical’ decisions are those made to achieve greatest immediate value and ‘strategic’ decisions are those made to achieve the greatest overall value irrespective of immediate return.”1
Strategy is therefore concerned with the whole, while tactics are concerned with a part.See All Chapters
|Debra Dinnocenzo||Berrett-Koehler Publishers|
101 Tips for Telecommuters
Assess Yourself for
Telecommuting is not for everyone:
• You can get lonely and miss being with people every day.
• You may feel isolated and invisible.
• You might lose sight of goals and not feel motivated.
• You could detest some of the mundane aspects of working from home.
• You might experience more conflict with your family.
And it’s not easy:
• You may find yourself working more hours than before you telecommuted.
• You could be frustrated by the hassles of technology when it fails.
• You can run into problems with co-workers who resent your telecommuting.
• You might experience breakdowns in communication with your boss or your team.
• You could find yourself spending more time than you imagined serving as your own maintenance person, computer technician, electrician, office designer, furniture mover, and filing clerk.
But the rewards are tremendous! As other telecommuters will tell you:
• “I’m so much more productive than when I commuted to the office everyday.”See All Chapters
|Borhi, László||Indiana University Press||ePub|
The failure of the 1956 revolution shattered the notion that the European status quo could be changed without the consent of the Soviet Union. Washington was forced to take a hard look at the European situation, and over the course of a decade they concluded that there was nothing they could do to reverse the continental division. The calculation that Europe would remain divided for the foreseeable future was not based solely on the United States’s inability to influence the power structure behind the Iron Curtain. The domestic and foreign policies of communist states like Poland, Romania, and Czechoslovakia also seemed to be changing for the better. Romania in particular showed strong signs of autonomy in pursuing its self-interest. The likelihood that these adjacent states would act as marionettes in a hostile Soviet action was diminishing. Romania and Poland seemed just as likely to promote American interests by mediating crises that embroiled the United States. In addition, the hardest pillar of political power, economic strength, depended on openings to the West, which in Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia were becoming more and more pronounced. Although the Comecon survived until the final curtain fell on communism in Eastern Europe, the economic and financial survival of the communist states came increasingly to depend on the Western world, including the United States. As time went by, this hitherto troublesome region appeared to be stabilizing. Rather than diminishing the security of the Western world, Soviet hegemony might even have served to enhance it by holding national antagonisms in check. In a dramatic reversal of the policies of the late 1940s and 1950s, Eastern Europe ceased to be an area of conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States. Washington hoped to remain a nuisance and to keep the satellites from becoming mere Soviet proxies, but they also recognized that Soviet power seemed to have brought balance to the Eastern European region. The painful experiences of 1956 demonstrated the Soviets’ ruthless determination to cling to their empire, exposed American weaknesses, and raised questions about the dangers of promoting radical, revolutionary change.See All Chapters
|Maple Razsa||Indiana University Press||ePub|
All this was queer and moving. There was much I did not understand, in some ways I did not even like it, but I recognized it immediately as a state of affairs worth fighting for.
—GEORGE ORWELL, HOMAGE TO CATALONIA
My ongoing research, and its representation in this book, began to look very different to me in the wake of the global financial crisis that began in 2008. During my first period of fieldwork with radical activists in ex-Yugoslavia, from mid-2001 to late 2003, I struggled to interest Croatian journalists and public intellectuals in the activists with whom I collaborated—just as I struggled to arouse the concern of local human-rights organizations regarding the covert police surveillance and overt police repression my collaborators experienced. So it was with some trepidation that I returned to Zagreb in 2010 for the premiere of Bastards of Utopia at ZagrebDox. I was unsure of what response to expect at the film festival, which promised a very public airing of my collaborators’ activities—and my research with them. I was taken aback when a stream of surprisingly sympathetic reporters invited me to do a dozen print, radio, and television interviews. On the day of the screening, hundreds had to be turned away after the five-hundred-seat theater filled beyond capacity. While in the early 2000s I had struggled to explain anarchist, anticapitalist, and antinationalist ideas—or even the existence of an underground activist scene that advocated such views—from 2010 onward, criticism of the commercialization of everyday life, the privatization of public services and public space, and the moral bankruptcy of the political elites who had dominated Croatia since independence were the assumed starting points for discussions with reporters, filmmakers, and intellectuals in Zagreb. These new political attitudes could not be attributed to the fact that each of the three main “characters” of the film had achieved a certain public renown while I was away. They reflected more fundamental shifts in Croatian and regional post-Yugoslav public culture.See All Chapters
|Hilary E Kahn||Indiana University Press||ePub|
IN RECENT YEARS IT SEEMS MORE AND MORE OF THE NEWS AND OUR political discourse is about nonhumans: dams that fail in a hurricane, sodas that kill teenagers, bacteria that become resistant to antibiotics, oil rigs that explode, cows that go mad, sleeping pills that make you eat in your sleep. As these negative examples suggest, nature and the object world seem to us riskier than ever.1 At the same time, we also increasingly wonder about our ability to become political in ways that are more about our relationships with the object world than about our relationships with other humans; for example when we opt for purchasing local food or commodities with various certificates, such as organic or fair trade labels, or when we install energy or carbon meters or solar panels on our homes. My purpose in this chapter is not to answer whether we actually have more and more things surrounding and connecting us, or whether we simply perceive it that way for some reason. Instead, I wish to explore what such experiences—whether they are really new or they are just imagined as novel—say about globalization and about the types of connections that are proliferating across the globe. To that end I will provide an overview of how scholars have conceptualized the relationship between humans and nonhumans, then I will analyze what that relationship has to do with globalization through two case studies, both taken from Hungarian food politics. In conclusion I will suggest that global capitalism and the European Union are not purely social entities but rather are socio-material assemblages, and understanding them as such will let us see power inequalities in new ways, ultimately making new types of politics possible.See All Chapters
|Carol O’Keefe Wilson||University of North Texas Press|
Not Your Average Ma and Pa
ola Wood’s serendipitous story emphasizes the dark shadow of influence that was cast by the Fergusons when, from positions of immense influence, they abused their authority, thereby establishing administrative climates where deception and fraud cascaded down the chain of command. In such an environment, integrity and conscience become disadvantages. If the governor’s shadow describes the sphere of influence that surrounds the chief executive, the Fergusons’ realms were dark ones that loosely encompassed two casts of characters: those who understood and endorsed the unseemliness, and those unfortunates who were simply caught in the crossfire.
Within the Ferguson gubernatorial shadow, innocents like John Lomax and
Edward Blackshear and unsuspecting players like H. C. Poe became collateral damage, the public protection expected from the penal system was sold, the judicial system was undermined, taxpayer money was squandered or stolen, cronyism flourished, and—perhaps—souls were compromised.See All Chapters
|Charles R. Steinwedel||Indiana University Press||ePub|
EMPIRE OF REASON
IN ORDER TO win support among Kazakhs and to build loyalty among her Muslim subjects, Catherine II (the Great) appointed Akhund Mukhamedzhan Khusainov to the position of mufti, the head of the new Orenburg Muhammadan Ecclesiastical Assembly, in 1789.1 Mufti Khusainov’s speech at the official opening of the OMEA in December 1789 emphasized that Muslims could become privileged members of the empire’s elite due to Catherine’s policies of toleration, support of Islamic institutions, and acceptance of Muslims as nobles: “The Russian (rossiiskii) son celebrates that Catherine reigns over him…. But who is this lover, devotee of happiness? Is it really only he whom the Evangelist’s spirit directs? Those who think so, do not think correctly. The sagacious mother does not consider various faiths, just loyalty of the heart.”
Khusainov urged Muslims to respect “the common good and tranquility.”2 Privately, Khusainov wrote to St. Petersburg to explain in Islamic terms the legitimacy of a Christian empress’s rule over Muslims and the need for Muslims to honor their oaths of loyalty.3 Members of the Muslim elite could become “sons of the empire” and participate in Catherine’s “Age of Gold.” New institutions for Bashkirs followed the new institutions for Muslims. In 1798, imperial officials organized Bashkiria into eleven Bashkir, five Meshcheriak, five Orenburg Cossack, and two Ural Cossack cantons.4 The cantonal system (kantonnaia sistema) built upon a half century of Bashkir military service by creating regionally defined units led by Bashkir officers, who would organize Bashir service and much of Bashkir life as well. The new institutions’ effectiveness showed itself in 1812, when Orenburg governor-general Volkonskii included Bashkirs when conveying Alexander I’s invitation to “all loyal (vernopoddannykh) sons of the Russian Empire” to defend it against Napoleon. More than ten thousand Bashkirs responded to the call.5See All Chapters
|E. Paul Durrenberger||University Press of Colorado||ePub|
E. Paul Durrenberger and Karaleah Reichart
This collection is a move toward a definition of an anthropology of unions. Questions about unions can only arise in complex social orders with class structures that define incompatible interests between owners of capital and workers. Unions only come into existence when those with privileged access to resources hire others to create value the owners can appropriate for their own use. When those without privileged access to resources organize to identify, promote, and protect their interests, labor unions are born.
Most studies of unions are developed from historical perspectives or are based on national data sets collected by government agencies. Few use the defining method of socio-cultural anthropology: ethnography, which has much to teach us about the nature of unions. The studies in this book bring ethnographic methods to bear on unions. Anthropology is also comparative. The authors in this volume situate their individual ethnographies within a broader comparative framework that tells us what the ethnography of unions can contribute to a broader anthropology of contemporary states.See All Chapters