202 Chapters
Medium 9780253020925

1 Reaching the Flocks: Literacy and the Mass Reception of Ottoman Law in the Sixteenth-Century Arab World

Schull, Kent F. Indiana University Press ePub

Timothy J. Fitzgerald

C’est une étrange chose que l’écriture . . . Le seul phénomène qui l’ait fidèlement accompagnée est la formation des cités et des empires, c’est-à-dire l’intégration dans un système politique d’un nombre considérable d’individus et leur hiérarchisation en castes et en classes . . . Si mon hypothèse est exacte, il faut admettre que la fonction primaire de la communication écrite est de faciliter l’asservissement.

Claude Lévi-Strauss2

OVER THE PAST few decades, the study of Ottoman law has expanded in ways that defy brief summary. At root, many Ottoman legal historians have drawn inspiration from the concerns and questions prompted by the turn toward social history in the humanities at large. This, combined with more recent imperial and world-history turns, if dizzying, has meant relative boom times for interest in the Ottoman Empire and its legal culture(s) or system(s). One welcome result of all this attention has been the incremental counter-balancing of top-down, center-out type approaches to legal history with ones that highlight the determinative role played by ideas, institutions, and peoples beyond—sometimes far beyond—the imperial capital at Istanbul. Moreover, the interdisciplinary field of inquiry captured by the rubric “legal pluralism” has at last made serious inroads into Ottoman (and Islamic) legal studies, complicating our understanding of the legal scene in beneficial ways and rendering the Ottoman Empire more intelligible to those analyzing law and politics elsewhere and undertaking comparative study.3

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Medium 9781574411829

1. Overview and Theoretical Foundations of Corrections

Gail Caputo University of North Texas Press PDF


Overview and Theoretical

Foundations of Corrections


Criminal justice in the United States involves three interdependent agencies—law enforcement, courts, and corrections—operating at the federal, state, and local levels. Together, these agencies represent the criminal justice system. Although with distinct lines of funding, rules, standards, procedures, and organizational structures, these agencies must work together in the processing of criminal cases. This process is traditionally characterized by a model developed by the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice (LEAA)

(President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of

Justice, 1967). The model portrays a rational, systematic assembly linelike processing of criminal cases through the three agencies. Law enforcement agencies are formally charged with the prevention and control of crime. To this end, they respond to reports of criminal activity, investigate these reports, and make arrests when appropriate. Then, courts determine criminal charges, decide guilt of the accused, and impose criminal sanctions. Finally, correctional agencies administer these penalties through control, custody, and supervision.

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Medium 9781574414325

Chapter 20 – Racism, Gangs and Violence

Jorge Antonio Renaud The University of North Texas Press ePub


racism, riots, and gangs

A Time cover story in the early 1980’s declared the East Texas prison unit of Eastham “America’s Toughest Prison,” a distinction hotly disputed by other Texas prison units. The entire then-Texas Department of Corrections rocked after Judge William Wayne Justice ordered the building tender system dismantled as a result of Ruiz v. Estelle. Without its inmate goons to keep order, TDC was exposed as almost criminally understaffed.

Coupled with the mass resignings and reassignments of many old-time guards and wardens—who had flourished under Director W.J. Estelle’s term—the lack of supervision left a power vacuum that was soon exploited by burgeoning prison gangs. Flexing their muscles, the various gangs waged war for the right to control the prison drug trade and jumped at the opportunity to settle old scores. The murder rates rocketed as the media fueled the killing frenzy by publicly lamenting the records for violent deaths that TDCJ convicts were daily rewriting. Clemens, Ellis, I, Coffield, Ramsey I, Darrington—where a 1984 triple murder in a sunlit dayroom prompted TDC’s first system-wide lockdown as officials frantically tried to isolate gang members—all laid valid claims to the dubious title of America’s deadliest joint.

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Medium 9780253356390

2 The Politics of Precariousness

Molé, Noelle J. Indiana University Press ePub

Endemic uncertainty is what will mark the lifeworld and the basic existence of most people.

—Ulrich Beck (1999)

We have noted a definite incapacity on the part of companies to evaluate the human and economic damage caused by mobbing.

—Maria Grazia Cassitto, psychologist (in Fiorii 2006)

In the world of Italian blogs about work, one proclaims: “Mobbing is a monster which appears at the tip of your toes, delicately, it intensifies with its little criticisms, then grows into professional and human isolation . . . and ends up with public verbal aggression and culminates in the end of employment” (di Tacco 2008). The blogs author positions mobbing, not the mobber, as monstrous. Mobbing enters and disrupts the individual’s body; it is an omen that the worker’s social body could collapse. While mobbing discourse like this often vilifies widespread organizational malfunctioning, this large-scale social turmoil is also embodied within single moral anomalies: the mobber as predatory evildoer. This is not surprising as both an agent-less form of social exclusion from the labor market and a hostile work-stripping aggressor are monsters—capitalist monsters because what is at stake is workers’ economic fate. Italy’s mobbing pioneer Harald Ege, who likens mobbing to a “war at work,” warns potential victims: “Be courageous and determined! . . . Your job is in play, what earns you a living and lets you live!” (2002: 51). Within Italy’s shifting labor regime, workers identify their own employment as vital but also at risk, and their intensifying vulnerability is a signal that new monsters are invading the workforce. If, for Marx, capitalism “implies a symbolic death,” then, Annalee Newitz reasons, capitalist monsters represent this “pretense of death” (2006: 6). They “embody the contradictions of a culture where making a living often feels like dying” (2).

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Medium 9781574411522

5 Work

Jorge Antonio Renaud University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter five



t comes as a shock to the mostly lazy, unskilled criminals who come into the Texas prison system that, unlike the federal system or most other state prisons, Texas inmates must work. And they do not get paid. Anything. (More on the financial situation in Chapter nine: Money.) Inside and outside, in snow and rain, day and night, whenever TDCJ needs something done, chances are that an inmate is assigned to do it.

Most inmates who are physically fit are first assigned to work in the fields, in what are called work squads, hoe squads, or sometimes just the

Line. The Line is not actually considered a job. It is a way of indoctrinating inmates—especially younger, first-time inmates—to the system, and it is punishment for inmates losing other jobs through disciplinary infractions. Sometimes, it is just punishment for angering the wrong officer.

On most units, the Line does field work. Inmates in the fields plant, weed, thin, and harvest fruits and vegetables. Texas prison crops range from watermelons, peanuts, eggplants, and beets to the more traditional vegetables and, of course, King Cotton.

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