202 Chapters
Medium 9781574413175

Appendix One: The Rest of the Tragic Story of Hugh D. Spencer

Bill Neal University of North Texas Press PDF

APPENDIX ONE

The Rest of the Tragic Story of Hugh D. Spencer

Miss Lillie Was a Rover

HUGH D. SPENCER was the district attorney who prosecuted Beech

Epting and John Beal Sneed for the murder of Al Boyce, Jr. The Epting trial began on January 4, 1913. Some seven years later almost to the day—January 5, 1920—Hugh Spencer was a central figure in another sensational murder trial, this time in Decatur, Texas. The local newspaper, the Wise County Messenger, called the trial “one of the strangest in the annals of criminal jurisprudence.”1 It certainly lived up to its billing.

Although John Beal Sneed had no direct connection with the

1920 Decatur killing and its resulting murder trial, nevertheless the bizarre story of that killing and the murder trial begs to be told as a part of—and not merely as a footnote to—the equally bizarre Sneed story. While Spencer played a role in each, that was only the beginning of the similarities. The killings, the murder trials, the reactions of the jurors as well as the mind-set of the society of that time and place were almost a mirror image of each other. Eerily enough, the killing in the Decatur case was an identical twin, factually, to the assassination of Al Boyce, Jr.: a killer who fired three shots into his unsuspecting victim; a killer who readily admitted that he shot his victim with intent to kill; a killer who never denied that he shot his victim without a warning and without giving him a chance to defend himself; and a killer who was immediately identified and arrested.

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Medium 9781626562691

Introduction Into the Hole

Schenwar, Maya Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub

“Shit, shit, shit, shit, shit!” I’m crying with my mother over the phone. It’s late evening, December 25, 2012, and Kayla,* my only sister and best friend, has been arrested for the seventh time in the past six years. She’s in jail again—and this time, we’re sort of hoping she’ll stay there. “If she asks,” I tell Mom, “I’m not bailing her out.”

“Well, you know we’re not,” Mom says, her voice low and far away, a weary echo of words uttered in months and years past. “If she’s in there, at least she’ll be safe.”

Jail, we agree, may be the only place that can save Kayla’s life, staving off her burning dependency on heroin. Neither of us acknowledges that regardless of whether Kayla stays clean while incarcerated, sooner or later she’ll be getting out.

“Do we know what she’s in for?” I ask Mom.

“Does it matter?”

I think of Kayla, cuffed and listless, being dragged through the doors of the Cook County Jail, catching the eyes of women she’s known before—in court, on the street, in juvenile detention, in jail, in prison. I wonder whether a part of her is relieved to be back.

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Medium 9780253356390

4 Feminizing the Inflexible

Molé, Noelle J. Indiana University Press ePub

The company that bought us has a very precise philosophy: total flexibility.

—From I Like to Work: Mobbing (Mi Piace Lavorare: Mobbing, 2004)

I want more autonomy, more flexibility.

—Giulia, self-identified mobbee

You can’t have the keg full and the wife drunk.

—Veneto saying

Neoliberal work regimes reduce labor costs not only by outsourcing, but also by building and sustaining a growing body of peripheral or semi-permanent labor, often dubbed flexible labor (Harvey 1989; Sennett 1998; Collins 2006). Within the semantic architecture of flexibility is the figure of a pliable, adaptable, docile worker. However, for working-class and middle-class workers in Italy, the idea of flexibility has been reframed, rapidly and publicly, as precariousness: as high risk, estranged, uncertain. From a moral standpoint, the discourse of precariousness casts flexibility as an immoral and intruding social value incompatible with Italian notions of just welfare citizenship and with Fordist orders. Mobbing, if understood as a strategic and covert means to reduce the number of permanent and even semi-permanent employees, would thus be a process able to generate a regime of labor of precariously employed workers. But a close investigation of mobbing shows it to be far more circuitous and less linear, yet consistently gendered. National reports about mobbing and gender vary widely; however, some statistics indicate that as many as one in three Italian women have been mobbed, and 39 percent were mobbed by other women (ANSA 2005b). Researcher Elena Ferrara, a contributor to the European Commission’s Daphne Report, dedicated to “raising awareness of women and mobbing,” reports that 62 percent of mobbing victims are women (Ferrara 2004: 21). Like other mobbing literatures, the report em phasizes women’s tendency to mob other women due to jealousy, hypercompetitiveness, and deviance from gender norms.

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Medium 9781574414325

Chapter 15 – Substance Abuse

Jorge Antonio Renaud The University of North Texas Press ePub

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

substance abuse

This will be a short chapter. The inescapable truth is that there exists no meaningful substance abuse treatment program for the great majority of Texas convicts. Regrettably, this seems to be the direct result of public opinion. In 1990, newly elected Governor Ann Richards promised a new era in the way Texas would approach its exploding prison population. Recognizing that much of crime in Texas was committed by men and women either under the influence of drugs or alcohol, or stealing to amass the money to buy drugs or alcohol, Richards proposed setting aside tens of thousands of prison beds to house substance abusers.

There would be entire units devoted to rehabilitating addicts—therapeutic communities where perimeter security would be enhanced by convict serenity; where counselors would attempt the radical notion of fighting crime by preventing it, instilling hope and self-esteem into addicts who until then had known only the dreary treadmill of jail, dope, and crime.

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7 The Mecelle, Sharia, and the Ottoman State: Fashioning and Refashioning of Islamic Law in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Schull, Kent F. Indiana University Press ePub

Samy Ayoub

Contemporary Islamic legal scholarship is preoccupied with the relationship between pre-modern articulations of Sharia and its modern formulations in the context of positive legislation and the nation-state. A key debate in the field is whether modern civil codes in Muslim majority countries and the codification of Sharia in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are authentic representations of Islamic law or whether they are alien legal formulations authorized by the modern nation-state under heavy European influence. This article explores how the creation of the Mecelle, the first Islamic Civil Law code, in 1876 was justified by its drafters in terms of the indigenous legal genres within the Hanafi school. Thus, I address three central questions: (1) To what extent does the Mecelle embody Hanafi norms and doctrines? (2) What are the ways in which the Mecelle was justified as a legitimate Islamic legal code? (3) How does the Mecelle articulate new norms and doctrines in the name of the Hanafi tradition?

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