3159 Chapters
Medium 9780253015402

1 The New Deal Vision for Agriculture

Ann Folino White Indiana University Press ePub

USDA Exhibits at the 1933–34 Chicago World’s Fair



At the end of the first season of the 1933 century of Progress International Exposition in Chicago, C. W. Warburton, director of extension work, sent a memorandum to Secretary of Agriculture Henry Wallace regarding the monetary costs and political benefits of the USDA’s participation in a second fair season.1 Warburton stated that altering a number of exhibits to display the AAA’s positive effects, for an estimated $15,000, was of “transcendent importance” because “the vast potential audience … warrants utilization of the opportunity to put before those millions of visitors a visual explanation of the Administration’s program of agricultural adjustment.”2 Many federal employees agreed with Warburton. Believing in the power of performance, they embedded culturally significant foods in theatrical scenes to cast fairgoers in a story that praised New Deal-style capitalism as the connection between farmers and consumers.

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8. Exit John Fraser

Corey Recko University of North Texas Press PDF


Exit John Fraser

Now that John Fraser had completed his investigation, he was to be, as planned, taken off the case and a new operative brought in to investigate.1

So on Wednesday, March 25, 1896, Fraser left Las Cruces by train and headed for Denver, but his investigation didn’t stop. On the train, he ran into Librado C. de Baca and Elfego Baca. De Baca, the man who told Fraser about Ed Brown, Green Scott, and an unidentified man, added to his story. He told Fraser of a statement made to him by one Alexander Garcia, who said “that Ed Brown,

Green Scott and the third man whose name he did not know, but whom they called Gene, had left Brown’s ranch on Jan. 29th, and returned to Brown’s ranch three or four days afterwards, that they afterwards had told that they had only gone as far as Tularosa, that one rode a gray horse, one a sorrel and the other a buck skin

[brown with black points].”2 Back on March 6, Saturnino Barela stated of the men he saw trailing Fountain; “one rode a white horse and the others dark horses . . . .”3 De Baca continued, offering his opinion that the three men “acted in a very suspicious manner after their return, keeping close to the ranch and evidently always on the lookout for some one.”4 Fraser wrote in regards to Baca and a conversation he had with current Sheriff Numa Reymond, who also happened to be on the train, “After leaving San Marcial I learned from Numa Raymond [Reymond] that Elfego Baca had requested

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A Killing in Clinton

Chuck Parsons University of North Texas Press PDF

chapter three

A Killing in Clinton

“I have been, an[d] am now activated solely by a desire to discharge my duty as an officer, and to see justice done.”

—Jack Helm to Brig. Gen. James Oakes, July 15, 1867


ichard H. Chisholm was the first permanent settler in the area that became DeWitt County, establishing a home there in January 1829. Soon other settlers moved in and a settlement grew on the west bank of the Guadalupe

River, five miles southeast of the present site of Cuero, today the county seat. It was wild country then and tragedies were numerous.

Chisholm proved to be an entrepreneur: in 1839 he began oper­ating a ferry across the Guadalupe. When DeWitt County was organized in 1846 he worked to have the county seat estab­ lished on his land. James Norman Smith, pioneer teacher, religi­ ous leader, and county surveyor, surveyed the town site and named it Clinton in honor of the daughter of Empresario Green DeWitt.

But in spite of Chisholm’s efforts, the site of the court house was established on land belonging to John J. Tumlinson and named Cameron. As Clinton grew, its citizens protested the site and during the next few years the actual site of the county seat alternated several times between Clinton and Cameron. An 1850 election settled the question for good between the two settle­ ments, but it was not until 1852 when the first court house

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Medium 9781574411638


Jack Bell University of North Texas Press PDF


Credit for sorting out the confusing story of the so-called “Preston” shells goes to

Warren Ripley. In his classic book, Artillery and Ammunition of the Civil War, Ripley traces the history of the Preston name.

“Preston” is painted on several shells photographed at the Charleston Arsenal in

1865, undoubtedly by Union Army officers who recovered them and labeled them as such. The label probably relates to the use of the shells in Blakely rifles. The particular ones with the flanged rifling were made in the Fawcett, Preston and Co. foundry in

Liverpool, England.1 Ripley diligently checked surviving Confederate records, but could find no references to Preston in the 3.5-inch and 4-inch caliber. He did find a reference to

Blakely in those calibers in the records, and confirmed that the 4-inch Blakely rifle had 6groove rifling that matched the “Preston” shape.

Subsequent research has confirmed that the patent for the “Preston” design of rifle and projectile was actually awarded to Blakely in 1863.2

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7 The Second World War and Its Aftermath, 1940–1965

Manuel G. Gonzales Indiana University Press ePub

In the annals of American history, the Second World War was probably not as momentous in its consequences for many Americans as had been the Great War a generation before, but such is not the case for Mexicanos in this country. World War II altered life in the Mexicano community profoundly. Its heaviest impact was on the nascent middle class, which grew in both size and influence. In the aftermath of the war, this middle sector, largely composed of children of immigrants rather than immigrants themselves, was eager to win acceptance into American society, but only on its own terms. Much maligned by Chicano historians in the 1960s and 1970s for its lack of concern for the welfare of the ethnic community at large, in recent years this middle class, thanks largely to the efforts of the brothers Mario T. and Richard García, Guadalupe San Miguel Jr., and like-minded historians, has been reevaluated in a much more positive light. Given the intellectual and moral climate engendered by the war, it is clear that options available to this generation were rather limited. Moreover, it is now clear that a substantial number of the middle class did attempt to ameliorate working and living conditions for the Mexicano community as a whole, with surprising success.

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