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10 Conclusion

Michael B. Barrett Indiana University Press ePub

The germans viewed the romanian campaign as an extraordinary triumph and vindication of the annihilation strategy espoused by the new occupants in Pless. Armies from the Central Powers had neutralized Romania in just over four months. The Romanian capital had fallen. The entire province of Walachia was occupied, as was the Dobrogea. The Romanian army was shattered. Although the French military mission under Berthelot had started a thorough training and reconstitution program, only the massive presence of the Russians allowed Romania to remain in the war.

The major awards for the victory went to von Hindenburg and von Mackensen, leaving von Falkenhayn slighted and resentful.1 Von Hindenburg received the Grand Cross of the Iron Cross on 3 December for his direction of the campaign, and the same decoration went to von Mackensen for taking Bucharest.2 Von Falkenhayn did not begrudge the hussar field marshal his medal, admitting that the crossing of the Danube was a nice piece of work. However, he was upset that the OHL and von Hindenburg had received credit for directing the campaign. The 9th Army, he believed, had borne the brunt of the fighting for the duration of the campaign. It had cleared Siebenbürgen, crossed a major mountain range and several major rivers, taken the enemy capital, and destroyed three enemy armies. The main role of the OHL, as von Falkenhayn’s biographer Hans von Zwehl pointed out, was to provide the 9th Army with the means to win – which it did. All the critical choices were made by von Falkenhayn and his staff. He normally made his decisions after briefings by his operations officer and chief of staff. In the daily telephone and telegraph traffic between the staff of the 9th Army and the operations and quartermaster sections of the OHL, von Zwehl claimed, the officers in Pless became aware of the intent of the 9th Army and wrote directives that reflected what von Falkenhayn had already decided to do. This led to an oft-expressed frustration among the staff of the 9th Army: “thus arise historical forgeries; the phone conversations are neither recorded nor placed in the files, only the published orders. The latter can give the impression that the OHL made the decisions.”3 Von Falkenhayn thought that his army had accomplished a great deal: “It is really not an exaggeration, if one were to say that this lengthy forced march [across Walachia] is one of the greatest achievements in military history.”4

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The Sweet Tooth of Slavery

IU Press Journals Indiana University Press ePub

THIS PAST SPRING and summer, in an installation by artist Kara Walker, a sugarcoated sphinx gazed upon visitors with a blank and inscrutable stare in the defunct Domino Sugar Factory in Brooklyn. At the entrance to the installation, thirteen statues of brown children, made of resin and coated with molasses, toted the sugar to construct the giant statue. This display drew upon stereotype and caricature—the sphinx sporting a headkerchief and exaggerated lips and butt, the children’s swollen heads copied from racist figurines—but this grotesquerie did not mitigate, but rather heightened, the unease that the installation inspired. Through the contrast between these figures, one monumental and thirteen diminutive, one dusted with refined sugar and the baker’s dozen oozing molasses, Walker suggested that the empire that erected and displayed the sphinx also excreted wounded black bodies.

Both works insist upon the centrality of sweetness and sugar to the exploitation of black bodies in the pursuit of white pleasure. The slave body becomes a kind of candy.

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11. Lessons for Palestine from Northern Ireland: Why George Mitchell Couldn’t Turn Jerusalem into Belfast

NoContributor Indiana University Press ePub

 

Why George Mitchell Couldn’t Turn Jerusalem into Belfast

ALI ABUNIMAH

I formed the conviction that there is no such thing as a conflict that can’t be ended. Conflicts are created, conducted, and sustained by human beings. They can be ended by human beings. I saw it happen in Northern Ireland, although, admittedly, it took a very long time. I believe deeply that with committed, persevering, and patient diplomacy, it can happen in the Middle East.

—George Mitchell, Obama administration Middle East envoy, 22 January 2009

During Israel’s December 2008/January 2009 invasion of the Gaza Strip, which killed more than 1,400 Palestinians, the vast majority civilians,1 veteran Irish journalist Patrick Cockburn reported that Israeli society reminded him “more than ever of the unionists in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s.” Like Israelis, he wrote, unionists were a community “with a highly developed siege mentality which led them always to see themselves as victims even when they were killing other people. There were no regrets or even knowledge of what they inflicted on others and therefore any retaliation by the other side appeared as unprovoked aggression inspired by unreasoning hate.”2

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Chapter 4: Becoming Neighbours and Creating Community

David Thelen Indiana University Press ePub

In this chapter residents reflected on how they reached beyond their immediate family and friends to build relationships with neighbours and take part in the larger community. From residents’ conversations, we heard that many felt the need to turn strangers beyond their gates into neighbours they could depend upon as well as to care about people in distress they encountered in daily life. Through it all they wondered how they could make a difference in the lives of others.

In the first section residents talked about their experiences with and expectations of their neighbours as well as their uncertainties about which people to interact with. Neighbours, they argued, could make one’s daily life better or more challenging, just as they could make the neighbourhood a nicer or less comfortable place to stay. Neighbours could play an important role as one tried to raise children and keep one’s family safe. Some neighbours greeted, helped with a DIY project or could be counted on for help when danger arose. Indeed, residents suggested that the best relationships involved reciprocity, both helping neighbours and receiving help from them. Some hesitated to approach or even tried to avoid a particular neighbour because that individual didn’t appear “open” or was feared as posing some challenge to daily life. Sometimes, it seemed, forging relationships required exploring which social barriers could be broken. Learning how to trust each other was a long-term challenge through which a deeper relationship could emerge. People usually related to their neighbours as individuals rather than merely as representatives of particular cultures.

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19. Ekaterina Sabashnikova-Baranovskaia (1859–?)

Edited by Stephen M Norris and Willard Indiana University Press ePub

 

BARBARA ALPERN ENGEL

At my father’s death I was left an orphan, and in charge of a large family and a substantial and dispersed estate. When I married Aleksandr Baranovskii, who was twice my age, I naturally expected to find my husband a support for my orphaned family. So in the first year of marriage I presented my husband with the right to conduct the affairs of my sisters and brothers, over which my uncle, my father’s brother, stood guardian. The guardian died a year after my marriage. . . . My husband then proposed that his brother Egor take the guardian’s place. None of my siblings wanted that, and not knowing Egor at all, instinctively neither did I. But my husband was so insistent and my resistance elicited such dissatisfaction from him that eventually I gave in. His brother moved into our home, assumed control over our affairs, and ruled over everything despotically. . . .

My husband demanded that I bring the children to his brother Egor’s estate and said that if I failed to do so voluntarily, he would take them by force. He took the children and brought them to his brother’s house, leaving them in the company of alien, non-Russian people in Mogilev.

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