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Medium 9781574412314

Background

Edited and Annotated by Charles M. Robinson III University of North Texas Press PDF

Background

T

he Cheyenne Outbreak and the Ponca Affair involved northern tribes that had been transported to the Indian Territory.

The Northern Cheyennes who surrendered to Crook as the

Great Sioux War drew to a close, were relocated to congregate them with their Southern Cheyenne cousins, who already were established in the Territory. The Poncas were victims of a bureaucratic error in the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868, in which their lands on the Missouri River were ceded to the Lakotas as part of the Great

Sioux Reservation. At the close of the Great Sioux War, the government decided to concentrate the Lakotas on those lands for ease of management. The Poncas, who never in history had opposed the government, then were removed to the Territory. In the cases of both the Cheyennes and the Poncas, the trauma of the move, the sudden change in climate, and the neglect of the government all contributed to suffering and death.1

1. The records of the Cheyenne Outbreak are found in RG 393. Special File. Military

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16. The Little Bighorn Battlefield

Edited and Annotated by Charles M. Robinson III University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter 16

The Little Bighorn Battlefield

July 14th. Broke camp, taking trail alongside of Mountain overlooking Shell Creek. Had considerable difficulty in forcing a trail through trees and bushes and over rocks and especially across ground made miry by the great number of springs bubbling to the surface.

After one and [a] half miles march, found Shell creek at a point where it had split into several channels: the largest some thirty feet wide, three deep and with a current whose velocity could not have been less than twelve miles an hour. When we had accomplished this feat, we heard the booming and roaring of a great affluent a short distance ahead and knew that our day’s labor had but just commenced. This “affluent”, as we at first termed it, turned out to be the main stream. It was nearly twenty five yards broad, two and three feet deep and of an exceeding velocity, its waters being churned to foam as they fretted along among the rocks which projected like teeth from the bottom. On this account these crossings have had enough of the element of danger to make them interesting, but up to this time no disaster has occurred. (General Sandy Forsyth was nearly drowned in No Wood creek, but I forgot to refer to the incident in its proper place.)

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12. Adam Mickiewicz (1798–1855)

Edited by Stephen M Norris and Willard Indiana University Press ePub

 

THEODORE R. WEEKS

For the Russian Empire in the nineteenth century (to 1914), the single most problematic nationality—aside, possibly, from the Jews—were the Poles. The life of Adam Mickiewicz, the Polish national poet, reflects the complicated relations between these two closely related Slavic nations, Poles and Russians. The Poles were unique among European non-Russians in that they possessed a well-developed high culture (unlike, for instance, peasant peoples like Ukrainians or Latvians), a noble landowning class, and an accurate historical memory of past greatness. Both the life and the works of Adam Mickiewicz demonstrate the uncomfortable and problematic position of Poles under tsarist rule.

It is a rare Pole who does not know the first lines of Pan Tadeusz, Mickiewicz’s most famous work: “Lithuania! My homeland! You are like health—Your worth is only truly appreciated by he who has lost you.” Lithuania? For the Polish national poet? Mickiewicz’s famous lines made perfect sense to Poles of the nineteenth century who saw “Litwa” (“Lithuania”) not as a national-linguistic marker but as a region of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Of this state—the second-largest in Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries—Nobel Prize–winning Polish poet Czeslaw Milosz remarked that although the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth has long since disappeared from maps, for centuries it existed like other more familiar multiethnic units such as Savoy, Transylvania, or Languedoc.

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4 Feminizing the Inflexible

Molé, Noelle J. Indiana University Press ePub

The company that bought us has a very precise philosophy: total flexibility.

—From I Like to Work: Mobbing (Mi Piace Lavorare: Mobbing, 2004)

I want more autonomy, more flexibility.

—Giulia, self-identified mobbee

You can’t have the keg full and the wife drunk.

—Veneto saying

Neoliberal work regimes reduce labor costs not only by outsourcing, but also by building and sustaining a growing body of peripheral or semi-permanent labor, often dubbed flexible labor (Harvey 1989; Sennett 1998; Collins 2006). Within the semantic architecture of flexibility is the figure of a pliable, adaptable, docile worker. However, for working-class and middle-class workers in Italy, the idea of flexibility has been reframed, rapidly and publicly, as precariousness: as high risk, estranged, uncertain. From a moral standpoint, the discourse of precariousness casts flexibility as an immoral and intruding social value incompatible with Italian notions of just welfare citizenship and with Fordist orders. Mobbing, if understood as a strategic and covert means to reduce the number of permanent and even semi-permanent employees, would thus be a process able to generate a regime of labor of precariously employed workers. But a close investigation of mobbing shows it to be far more circuitous and less linear, yet consistently gendered. National reports about mobbing and gender vary widely; however, some statistics indicate that as many as one in three Italian women have been mobbed, and 39 percent were mobbed by other women (ANSA 2005b). Researcher Elena Ferrara, a contributor to the European Commission’s Daphne Report, dedicated to “raising awareness of women and mobbing,” reports that 62 percent of mobbing victims are women (Ferrara 2004: 21). Like other mobbing literatures, the report em phasizes women’s tendency to mob other women due to jealousy, hypercompetitiveness, and deviance from gender norms.

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8 Around the Horn

Don L. Hofsommer Indiana University Press ePub

WHAT GOES AROUND COMES AROUND. WELL, PRETTY close, but not quite in this case. The odyssey had begun in Iowa but would end in Minnesota – again, and by way of South Dakota. A change of jobs predictably explains new locations.

The allure of railroads and railroading had not escaped or evaporated, but the railroad landscape certainly had changed over the years. The number of Class One carriers had diminished to a handful. Gone were electric-trolley roads, steam, gas–electric cars, cabooses, most passenger trains, local station agencies, a host of branches and even secondary routes, and, of course, the wonderful employees who had been a part of them. “Off the main lines” became increasingly problematic. And favored cameras began to fail. Exposures became less frequent. But what a show it had been!

Sioux Falls, South Dakota, once had been a major hub of railroad activity offered by Milwaukee Road, Great Northern, Omaha, Illinois Central, and Rock Island. By 1987, much had changed. Rock Island left the city before its corporate demise, and IC followed. Milwaukee had been acquired by Soo Line, but its former assets at Sioux Falls were now the property of still others. Great Northern had become an integral part of Burlington Northern, but the line to Yankton was gone. Omaha had been fully absorbed into Chicago & North Western, but C&NW had become intent on disposing of branches and would soon exit. Extra 4284 East is about to cross Burlington Northern’s Willmar–Sioux City line at Manley, Minnesota. August 30, 1988.

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