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7. The Battle of Honey Springs, Indian Territory

Robert W. Lull University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter Seven

The Battle of Honey Springs,

Indian Territory

H

aving heard of Williams’ victory at Cabin Creek, General Blunt was enthusiastic about his achievement and its potential impact upon the course of the war in Indian Territory. He immediately left Fort Scott on July

6 on a forced march south to Fort Gibson with four hundred men and eight cannons. He was intent upon exploiting the Cabin Creek victory with a campaign to push the Confederate army out of Indian Territory. His options were either to drive the enemy east to Arkansas, or south to Texas. His total resources, with the new reinforcements, would include twelve cannon and four thousand men.1 Blunt made the 175-mile trip in five days, pushing hard.

The garrison at Fort Gibson treated him to a grand reception upon his arrival.

Phillips was of the opinion that the mere presence of Blunt and his command would cause Confederates to leave the area. Blunt reported the Union victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg, speculating that they would prompt the return of troops to his command taken for the campaigns in the east, giving him even more resources.2

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The Rangers, Company B, and Captian Bill: Major Figures and Cases

Harold J. Weiss Jr. University of North Texas Press PDF

THE RANGERS, COMPANY B, AND CAPTAIN BILL:

MAJOR FIGURES AND CASES

A Pictorial Essay

McDonald: First View:

McDonald, a sergeant, a teamster, and the twelve privates in Company B proved very effective at closing illicit corridors and curbing lawlessness [in the Panhandle]. With each new exploit and devious outsmarting of outlaws, his [McDonald’s] reputation also grew.

—John Miller Morris, ed., A Private in the Texas Rangers: A. T.

Miller of Company B, Frontier Battalion.

McDonald: Second View:

Given his two-fisted, chin-out nature, his utter fearlessness, his disregard of odds, and his amazing ability at gun slinging, if he had been thrust outside the law by the savage, stupid barbarities of the Bloody Shirt forces during Reconstruction, it seems to me that [Bill] Longley and [John Wesley] Hardin would not have surpassed Bill McDonald in reputation for grim gunplay.

—Eugene Cunningham, Triggernometry: A Gallery of Gunfighters.

McDonald: Third View:

But I have never found a Border man who had the slightest respect for

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Chapter 7

Edited by Kenneth W. Howell University of North Texas Press PDF

CHAPTER 7

When the Klan Rode: Terrorism in Reconstruction Texas by

James M. Smallwood

I

n Texas during Reconstruction terrorist groups and outlaw gangs were legion, and they kept the state bathed in blood from 1865 to the mid-1870s. They wrapped themselves in the Confederate flag, bespoke the “Lost Cause,” and claimed to be taking the field against

Texas’s enemies: native white Unionists, who were willing to cooperate with federal authorities; the ex-slaves whose leaders demanded true freedom and wanted all the rights whites enjoyed; and the “Yankee” forces of occupation, including regulars and officers on detached duty as agents for the Freedmen’s Bureau. Indeed, for former Confederates in Texas, the war did not end in 1865; rather the “Second Civil War,” also called the “War of Reconstruction” was really a holocaust fought in a new guise. Generally in the first phase of Civil War (1861–1865), professional armies fought each other until 1865 when the Northern forces prevailed on the fields of battle. In the second phase (1865–1877), former Confederates, including those living in Texas, were victorious and by 1877 the second phase ended in the South with the region returned to the white supremacist Democratic Party. In the Texas effort, terrorist groups formed in more than sixty counties, and at least a dozen large bands of outlaw guerrilla raiders flourished, all the while claiming to represent the continued fighting spirit of old Dixie. Together the

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6 The Diary of a Priest

HEATHER COLEMAN Indiana University Press ePub

Laurie Manchester

BEGINNING DURING THE GREAT REFORM ERA OF THE 1860S, Russian Orthodox priests were encouraged by the bourgeoning clerical press to keep confessional diaries. In these personal diaries they were to chart not only their own spiritual progress, but, in contrast to the Puritan practice of individual diary keeping, to some extent that of their parishioners as well. In part, this was a practical necessity born of the high illiteracy rates of Russian Orthodox parishioners. But it also underscores the greater authoritative power Orthodox priests, endowed with sacramental authority, had over their parishioners. As the Russian revolutionary movement spread and the autocratic government unsuccessfully sought to control the process of modernization, reform-minded publicists within the Russian Orthodox Church interpreted the crisis engulfing Russia primarily as a moral crisis. Asking priests to keep diaries was part of a movement to save Russia by elevating the morality and erudition of its priesthood. Diaries were to serve as mirrors to priests’ souls, as a means to identify and correct existing imperfections. Given the social isolation many rural priests suffered, diaries were also to serve as a much needed friend. In turn, because few rural priests could afford to buy many books, diaries could afford a means of working on self-improvement at no cost. In keeping with the church’s disregard for any dichotomy between public and private, diaries were to chronicle a priest’s parish work as well as his domestic life. Priests were instructed to note anything good or bad they had done each day, everything that had made an impression on them, and their feelings about the main events of the day.

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6. In the Torture Chamber: Legal Reform and Psychological Breakdown

Joseph Klaits Indiana University Press ePub

Without torture there would have been no witch craze. Certainly, some trials for witchcraft would have occurred in early modern Europe even without the use of torture to elicit confessions. But the immense scale of witch hunting derived in large part from the spread of coercive techniques in criminal law procedure. Even in England and New England, where most forms of torture were forbidden, the authorities’ ideas about witches were strongly influenced by continental writers who drew their evidence from confessions extracted by torture. In the same way, those who encouraged suggestible men and women to believe themselves bewitched had become familiar with witchcraft through accounts extracted under threatened or actual torture.

A case study can illustrate the impact of torture on witchcraft prosecution. Among the most wrenching documents to come down to us from the witch trials is the letter of Johannes Junius, a burgomaster in the German city of Bamberg. Junius was arrested on charges of witchcraft in 1628, while the community was in the midst of a large-scale witch panic. He was tortured, confessed, and went to the stake, but before his death Junius managed to compose an account of his imprisonment in a letter to his daughter. The burgomaster described his interrogation:

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