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Medium 9780253016249

31 Art and Carol’s Garden

Jane Blaffer Owen Indiana University Press ePub

And in the beginning was love. Love made a sphere: all things grew within it; the sphere then encompassed beginnings and endings, beginning and end. Love had a compass whose whirling dance traced out a sphere of love in the void: in the center thereof rose a fountain.

—Robert Lax, The Circus of the Sun


Throughout history, grand old prophets have been an endangered species. Old Testament Israelites stoned them or ran them out of town. Latter-day prophets in Nazi Germany were imprisoned or executed, notably the German theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer. His Letters and Papers from Prison—written from a military prison before he was transferred to a concentration camp, where he was executed—should be required reading. Bonhoeffer experienced the power of evil and manifested the power to resist it.

The voice of Paul Tillich was also heard from pulpits and lecture halls in the late 1920s and early 1930s. While a member of the Religious Socialist movement and dean of the faculty of philosophy at the University of Frankfurt, Tillich published The Socialist Decision in early January 1933. Shortly after Hitler came to power on January 30, 1933, Tillich was dismissed from his academic position. A Frankfurt newspaper had named Tillich the embodiment of the enemy. Unlike Bonhoeffer, Tillich was married and the father of a young daughter, and now their lives were in danger. Weighed with the obligation to care for his family, he accepted the urgent invitations from Reinhold Niebuhr at Union Theological Seminary and Horace Friess at Columbia to immigrate to America and leave the breeding ground of tragedy of Nazi Germany. He, Hannah, and Mutie arrived in November of that year. Upon leaving Germany, Tillich identified with the biblical Abraham.1

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Medium 9780253018656

Part I. Defining and Assessing Antisemitism

Alvin H Rosenfeld Indiana University Press ePub


Something new was happening here: the

growth of a new intolerance.

It was spreading across the surface of the

earth, but nobody wanted to know.

A new word had been created to help the

blind remain blind: Islamophobia.

To criticize the militant stridency of this religion in its

contemporary incarnation was to be a bigot.

A phobic person was extreme and irrational in his views,

and so the fault lay with such persons

and not with the belief system that boasted

over one billion followers worldwide.

—Salman Rushdie, Joseph Anton: A Memoir

IN 1910, a French drafter for the Ministry of the Colonies, Alain Quellien, published Muslim Politics in Western Africa (La Politique musulmane dans l’Afrique occidentale].1 Aimed at a specialist audience, it offered temperate praise of Koranic religion, regarded as “practical and permissive” and best suited to the natives, whereas Christianity was considered “too complicated, too abstract, too austere for the primitive and materialistic mentality of the Negro.” Observing that Islam, through its civilizing influence, contributed to European penetration, that it “dragg[ed] populations out of fetishism and degrading practices,” the author urged his readers to abandon the prejudices that equated that faith with barbarism and fanaticism. He denounced the “islamophobia” rampant among colonial personnel: as he put it, “to sing the praises of Islam is as unfair as unjustly denigrating it.” On the contrary, the religion should be treated impartially. In that instance, Quellien spoke as an administrator concerned with public order: he blamed the desire of Europeans to demonize a religion that maintained peace in the Empire, whatever were the various kinds of abuse—slavery, polygamy—it gave rise to. Since Islam was the best ally of colonialism, its followers had to be protected from the nefarious influence of modern ideas and their ways of life respected. Another colonial official, serving in Dakar, Maurice Delafosse, wrote around the same time that “no matter what those who endorse Islamophobia as a principle of colonial administration may claim, France has nothing more to fear from Muslims in Western Africa than from non-Muslims [ . . . ]. There is no justification for Islamophobia in Western Africa, whereas Islamophilia, understood as a preference granted to Muslims, might create a sense of mistrust in non-Muslim populations, which happen to be the most numerous.”2 However, the terms Islamophobia and Islamophilia remained scarcely used, except by scholars, until the beginning of the 1980s. At that point, the term Islamophobia began to gain use as a political tool in the aftermath of the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Teheran. A floating signifier in search of meaning, the term Islamophobia can indeed refer to two different things: either the criticism of Islam or discrimination exerted against the followers of the Koran. A word is not the property of the person who first used it but of those who have reinvented it so as to popularize its use. A newcomer in the semantic field of antiracism, that term is governed by three principles I dwell on here: the inviolability principle, the equivalence principle, and the substitution principle.

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Medium 9780253007469

7. The Memory Work of Anthropologists: Notes Toward a Gendered Politics of Memory in Conflict Zones—Sudan and Eritrea

Edited by Sherine Hafez and Susan Slyomo Indiana University Press ePub



Sondra Hale

To remember is to know that you can forget.

—E. Valentine Daniel, “The Coolie.”


A salient method of anthropologists in dealing with the military and civil conflicts of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has been memory work.1 It has become an indispensable approach to reading the conflicts of the last fifty years or so. Memory work in the ethnography of conflict situations is one way of reading the slippery “truth” of violent encounters and generating theoretical ideas that enhance our thinking about the politics of memory.

The memory work of anthropologists has been in the avant-garde of the field for more than a decade, perhaps propelled into greater visibility and significance with the rise of self-reflexive and narrative anthropology and the contribution of allied fields and methods such as oral history and person-centered ethnography. Although memory-as-ethnography was not at the core of the field of anthropology until recent years (at least not under the rubric of “the politics of memory”), in its recent iterations, especially within postcolonial theories, memory work is very much an epistemological, theoretical, and political force for the future of the field. After all, it is in the heart of ethnography where people may confront each other with the past and refute each other’s telling of the past.

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Medium 9781574412604

Chapter 2: The Making of a Texas Lawman

Harold J. Weiss Jr. University of North Texas Press PDF

Chapter 2


. . . a Texas Ranger could ride like a Mexican, trail like an Indian, shoot like a Tennessean, and fight like a devil.1

To grasp the inner workings of the world of Texas Ranger Captain

Bill McDonald, one must move in a westerly direction across the

Atlantic Ocean to the New World and a place called Texas. Since ancient times humans have sailed westward and marched inland to

find fame and fortune and build an orderly society under God.2 This restless force in the cultures of Europe and America—that migrating impulse that has been called the “M-Factor” in American history— was captured in those haunting lines by Stephen Vincent Benet:

Americans are always moving on.

It’s an old Spanish custom gone astray,

A sort of English fever, I believe,

Or just a mere desire to take French leave,

I couldn’t say. I couldn’t really say.3

This restless temper brought McDonald’s Scottish ancestors from Europe to America. The methods of fighting crime used by

Captain Bill resulted from his contacts with people and cultures in the Old South and the Lone Star State. As a youth he grew up in

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Medium 9780253017697

4 Le Vigeant

Otto Schrag Indiana University Press ePub

Many were still asleep when the train stopped again. The doors were opened and a soldier shouted, “Descendez!

There was mass confusion as people scurried to get their belongings. Each wanted to get out quickly. But Licht took his time, slowly putting on his jacket, getting his rucksack on his back, and picking up his satchel. Then he climbed out of the car.

The train stood in an open field where a row of gorgeous acacia trees lined the tracks, their leaves shimmering with raindrops. The most wonderful thing was the air. Never in his life had Licht breathed anything like it. This was not ordinary air; it was an altogether unfamiliar thing, creating for him a heavenly sensation halfway between morning dew and a cool evening breeze. A great artist had lightly perfumed this intoxicating mix to further its enchantment.

Although Belgians still had the watch, French officers were about to take over. They looked puzzled as they saw their new charges, who had been described to them as dangerous prisoners.

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Medium 9780253008787

15. Anti-Zionist Connections: Communism, Radical Islam, and the Left \ Robert S. Wistrich

Alvin H Rosenfeld Indiana University Press ePub

Robert S. Wistrich

Most historians tend to regard the ideologies of communism and radical Islam as mutually incompatible. Certainly, there is little in common at first sight between the Communist Manifesto and the Holy Qurʾan. Nor does the Islamist cult of death or martyrdom for Allah seem to have much to do with the secular rationalist worldview that influenced Bolshevism and the Western Left a century ago. But the communists who came to power in Russia in 1917, beginning with Lenin himself, were nonetheless quick to see the tactical benefit to themselves of sparking off a Bolshevik-led jihad against Western imperialism in Asia and the Near East. At the Second Congress of the Communist International held in Baku (1920), its president, Grigorii Zinoviev, aggressively called for “kindling a real holy war against the robbers and oppressors . . . a true people’s holy war in the first place against British imperialism.”1 The close to two thousand delegates, representing the “enslaved popular masses of the East” (Persia, Armenia, Turkey, Russia, the Arab lands), were ecstatic. About two-thirds of the delegates were Bolshevik Party members. But they made a point of “respecting the religious feelings of the masses” even while educating them (in Zinoviev’s words) “to hate and want to fight against the rich in general—Russian, Jewish, German, French.”2 Zinoviev was not the only Bolshevik internationalist of Jewish origin to play a central role in such incitement to holy war.

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Medium 9780253016461

7 Mestizaje Literary Visions and Afro-Cuban Genealogical Memory, 1920–1958

Karen Y. Morrison Indiana University Press ePub

Our elements have been mixed spontaneously and naturally.
And from Spanish and creole whites, African blacks, or Indians,
there has been created an intermediate race that is not white, nor black.
It has come to be the Cuban race, an ideal and uniform race.
Fortunately, all differences, all the small antagonisms that bother us
today will disappear with it. Within a century, with the constantly
blending [mestizaje] of races, these problems will not have a reason to exist.

—“La Raza Cubana,”
Diario de la Marina (June 26, 1928), 8

In June, 1928 an anonymous reader of “Ideales de una Raza” (Ideals of a Race), the Afro-Cuban column of the leading Havana paper Diario de la Marina, offered a pointed definition of “the Cuban race,” one with biological and cultural race mixture (mestizaje) among its essential components. The perspective on race mixture expressed above stood in contrast to many previous renderings of the role of race in Cuban nationalist projects. It did not present whitening as its ultimate goal, it therefore differed from common mid-nineteenth century visions, such as that presented in Cirilo Villaverde’s novel Cecilia Valdés, or in José Antonio Saco’s earlier insistence that “No nos queda más que un remedio: blanquear, blanquear, y entonces hacernos respetar (We have no other solution than this: whiten, whiten, and in this way make ourselves respected).”1 It also differs from general images of the Cuban body politic associated with the independence movement, where whites, blacks, and mulattoes politically and militarily co-existed in forging the emergent nation. Instead, the anonymous author’s alternative articulation of mestizaje defined a new Cuban type produced through biological and cultural fusion.

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Medium 9781574416152

2. The American Offer

Tom Killebrew UNT Press ePub

Chapter 2

Even after implementation of the Empire Air Training Scheme and finalization of the Canadian training agreement, British officials still had many concerns. As impressive as the final Canadian phase of the overseas training plan appeared on paper, British officials worried that the magnitude of the program might prove beyond the capabilities of the Canadians or that such an immense undertaking might run into difficulties that could result in unacceptable delays. Officials sought alternative training plans not only as an additional source of pilots and aircrew, but also as a safeguard against the possible failure or lengthy delay of the Canadian plan. Even though other Commonwealth governments were agreeable, even desirous, of expanding their training plans (and later expansion would occur), the distances involved and in some cases the extremes of nature and geography limited these considerations. As a result, the British looked to the United States for possible assistance.

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Medium 9781574413533

Chapter 1. A Good-Hearted Boy

Rick Miller University of North Texas Press ePub

Chapter 1

A Good-Hearted Boy

The menacing clouds and threat of rain did not deter the hundreds of people flocking to the small Texas town of Giddings to see Bill Longley die. The newly constructed wooden gallows waited silently some six hundred yards northwest of the railroad depot, where passengers alit by the score from incoming trains.

Although the execution was not scheduled until later in the afternoon of this dark, ominous October day, the main street of Giddings and the surrounding prairie teemed with the growing crowd from an early hour. They came by train, by carriage, by wagon and horseback, and on foot, black and white mingling single-mindedly as they awaited the carrying out of the court’s order and the end of the self-proclaimed mankiller’s odyssey. Stories circulated about a last-minute escape attempt and there were rumors that Longley had already survived one hanging.

Bill Longley had been confined now for not quite a year and a half, fighting this day as vigorously as he had willingly defied the conventions of his time. When captured, he had boasted of killing thirty-two men, even penning his memoirs in a Giddings newspaper and relishing the sensation he created throughout the state. He adopted for himself a deadly reputation rivaling that of the much vaunted and more publicized John Wesley Hardin. After all, Hardin, when captured, was said to have killed only twenty-seven. Longley had gone to great lengths to portray himself as one of Texas’ deadliest gunmen.

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Medium 9781574416244

Chapter 9: Operations

Tom Killebrew UNT Press PDF


The Royal Air Force in American Skies

It would be impossible to recount the operational careers of each graduate of the BFTS program. Here is a small representation of the diverse experiences these young men encountered after they left the

British Flying Training Schools.

Keith Durbidge graduated with Course 3 at No. 6 BFTS, returned to

Canada and then undertook an uncomfortable voyage back across the

Atlantic. “We disembarked at Liverpool and boarded a train for the

Reception Centre at Bournemouth. The only food provided on the train was ship’s biscuits, four inches square, one inch deep, hard as concrete and full of weevils. We realized we were back in a war theatre.”1

Douglas Sivyer, a graduate of Course 3 at No. 1 BFTS, traced the operational records of the graduates of his early course. Of the thirtyeight who completed the course, only fourteen survived the war. Eight graduates of Course 3 attended an Operational Training Unit (OTU) on

Spitfires. One of these, Eddie McCann, flew with 131 and 165 Squadrons at Tangmere and then 232 Squadron in the Mediterranean where he escorted American medium bombers. Of the others, Johnny Gallon and

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Medium 9780876111727

2. Thomas F. McKinney Before Moving to Onion Creek, 1801–1850

Henson, Margaret Swett Texas State Historical Assn Press ePub



THOMAS FREEMAN MCKINNEY was born November 1, 1801, the eldest son of Abraham and Eleanor “Nelly” Prather McKinney. He had four sisters and three brothers. Neighbors recognized McKinney’s father as a great hunter who took minimal interest in farming or raising horses like his father, Charles. Charles McKinney, an immigrant, arrived in Virginia in the 1750s and raised horses on the Virginia-North Carolina border in an area where neighbors raced thoroughbreds and quarter horses. In 1784 Charles moved his family and the horses through the Cumberland Gap into the Kentucky bluegrass region. Young “Freeman,” as his mother called him in honor of her step-grandfather, adopted the skills of both his father and grandfather; he appreciated good horses and was an excellent marksman. Abraham moved his family west to Christian County, Kentucky, by 1811 and onward to Howard County, Missouri Territory, in 1819.1

In 1823 at age twenty-two, and now known as “Mac” to his friends, McKinney took his horse and rifle to follow the Santa Fe trail with his distant cousin Philip Allen Sublett, kin to the mountain men of that name. The cousins joined Stephen Cooper’s second expedition to Santa Fe that left Franklin, Missouri, in May 1823, with pack horses loaded with trading goods. The party suffered a serious Indian attack southwest of Fort Osage and some members suffered terrible thirst when the group lost its way between water holes taking the Cimarron Cutoff in southwestern Kansas. They finally reached Santa Fe in November, where they discovered that the townspeople had already spent their money on the goods of a group of Missouri traders that had arrived earlier. The two adventurers joined an armed group heading south through El Paso to Chihuahua, which was a major trading outpost. Its residents were eager for United States-made goods, and unlike Santa Fe residents dependent on the arrival of annual payrolls, had a ready silver supply with a mint and a thriving economy. The cousins may have even travelled south to Durango.2 During this journey, the pair learned sufficient Spanish for trading purposes.

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Medium 9781574415124

1. Bleeding Kansas, Border Ruffians, and Jayhawkers

Robert W. Lull University of North Texas Press ePub

Chapter One

Bleeding Kansas, Border Ruffians, and Jayhawkers

James Williams and his brother Sam arrived at Leavenworth, Kansas in 1856. They found the town growing at an explosive rate, with opportunity, excitement and conflict everywhere. Leavenworth had all the trappings of a western boomtown, and then some.

The Kansas-Nebraska act, signed by President Pierce two years earlier in 1854, opened huge expanses of the western prairie to settlers. Pierce’s signature prompted a major land rush and several years of bloody conflict. Prior to the act’s implementation date, much of what would become Kansas was Indian land—off limits to white men.1 When the Kansas-Nebraska Act became law, there were fewer than 800 whites in Kansas. When the first territorial census was completed the following year, Kansas population numbered 8,000 whites and 192 slaves.2

The political heat of popular sovereignty and the conflict over slavery drew the Williams brothers into the maelstrom like moths to a flame. They became part of the volatile mix of immigrants with competing agendas crowding by thousands into Kansas at Leavenworth. There were abolitionist activists, pro-slavery advocates, and ordinary folks all capitalizing on opportunities for new land. The sheer number of such individuals was sure to create a flashpoint.3

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4 When day is done: The Play and Leisure Activities of Enslaved Children and Youth

Wilma King Indiana University Press ePub


Before the holidays, these are pleasures in prospect; after the holidays, they become pleasures of memory, and they serve to keep out thoughts and wishes of a more dangerous character.

Frederick Douglass

In 1848, Virginia-born Launcelot Minor Blackford built a small cart so he could entertain two visitors by giving them rides. He then “got all the little children who could well do it and hitched them to the carriage [and] made them run around the yard with Alice or Richard on it.” The youngster added, “They seemed to enjoy it very much.” As written, it is not clear if Blackford refers to the children who rode inside the cart or to those who towed it. In either case, this incident illustrates the power relations that existed between a white youth from a slaveholding family and “all the little children.” Blackford’s age, color, class, and degree of sophistication are evident in the facts that he constructed the cart, chose who rode in it, and selected “all the little children.”1

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Medium 9781574411485

Carl Day

Larry A. Sneed University of North Texas Press PDF


Crime Scene Search Unit

Dallas Police Department

"When I came out of the Book Depository, walking with the

FBI man who was taking me to the office, somebody asked me, lS that a Mauser? ' or words to that effect. I didn't answer them ...

I didn't know what I had other than it was a gun... "

Born and raised in Dallas, Carl Day graduated from high school in

1932. After working for a machinery company during the Depression, Day joined the Dallas Police Department in 1940. Interrupted by a three-year stint in the Navy during World War Two, he returned to his patrol assignment and was promoted to detective in the Homicide and Robbery

Bureau in 1947 under Captain Fritz. The following year Day transferred to the Identification Bureau. Upon promotion to lieutenant in 1954, he joined the newly formed Crime Lab within the Identification Bureau and remained in that position upon Kennedy's arrival in Dallas.

I was in the office of the Crime Lab on the fourth floor of

City Hall when the parade passed City Hall at Harwood and turned west on Main. I was busy and didn't see it. A few minutes later I received a call that the President had been shot, and I went with

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Medium 9780870819612

1. Introduction: How Dylan Got Me Started

Anthony Aveni University Press of Colorado ePub

On December 21, 2012 (or December 23, 2012, depending on how you align their ancient calendar with ours), the odometer of ancient Maya timekeeping known as the Long Count will revert to zero and the cyclic tally of 1,872,000 days (5,125.3661 years) will start all over again. When I first became attracted to Maya studies over forty years ago I could not possibly have imagined that I would write a book about this event. Blame Dylan.

Three years ago I began receiving e-mails from a troubled Canadian high-school student, Dylan Aucoin, from Dartmouth, Nova Scotia. He had been reading Web articles about the end of the world that would supposedly fulfill the Maya prophecy about what might accompany the Long Count’s great turnover in 2012— or Y12 as I have come to call it. Dylan confided to me that he was worried—at times even horrified—by the predictions he had come across: apocalypse, holocaust, world destruction. After encountering one particularly frightening doomsday article, Dylan asked me: “Is there anything to fear about 2012 and the New Age ideas of destruction and consciousness shifting? I thought I had it all figured out but this article has brought it back like gangbusters. I ask you, is it worth fretting about? Is there really any validity?”

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