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12. Usage—Imperatives and the Imperative Order

Andrew Cowell University Press of Colorado ePub

Commands and requests are complicated in Arapaho, both morphologically and socially. Additional details on the social issues in particular can be found in Cowell 2007. Morphologically, Arapaho has not only direct and indirect imperative forms, as described in chapter 2, but also two command/request forms, which we will call “future” and “suggestive” imperatives, that use non-affirmative order verb inflections but are restricted to use only with second person addressees and thus function as imperatives.

Arapaho has a number of invariable imperative particles. These include:

Most of these can be—indeed, usually are—used as independent, complete sentences. A few (kookoh, honóoyóó) seem to be used only in conjunction with other imperatives:

These lexical imperative forms seem for the most part to carry special moral injunctions, as in ‘wait (and think about the rules of Arapaho life)!’. There are equivalent, regular verbs for saying ‘wait!’ (/AI cowouuwutii/, /cowouubeihi/, TA /toyoohow/) or ‘watch out!’ (TA /oonoyoohow/, TI /oonoyoohoot/), and these are often heard, but they are value-neutral. In addition, lexical imperatives tend to be used alone as complete clauses, whereas imperative forms of regular verbs often are used in complex clauses involving complements, subordination, and so forth.

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16. The Verb Phrase—Noun-Verb Agreement

Andrew Cowell University Press of Colorado ePub

In this chapter, we examine the ways in which different types of verb stems are used in Arapaho for functional communicative purposes, and the ways in which NP marking on the verb stem can be manipulated for the same purposes. Topics include proximate/obviative marking, alternation between different primary verb stems for reasons of NP saliency and emphasis, and derivation of secondary stems for the same reasons.

As seen in chapter 3, the person hierarchy in combination with the direction-of-action markers determines the shape of TA inflections. The grammatical categories of subject and object are certainly present, but they do not control the inflectional system. Similarly, the semantic roles of agent and patient, although clearly specified by the overall TA inflection, are not fundamental in the determination of which participant will be marked explicitly on the verb using a person marker. For example, a second person will always be marked finally on the verb due to the rules of the person hierarchy, whether the second person is subject, object, agent, or patient. The direction-of-action markers then indicate whether that person is subject or object:

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4. Derivation—Nouns

Andrew Cowell University Press of Colorado ePub

The second-most important word category in Arapaho, after the verb, is the noun. In this chapter, we examine first the internal structure of the noun stem. The stem consists of one or more lexical roots and sometimes various derivational suffixes. In many cases, the noun stem is modified by lexical prenouns, although the analytic distinction between a prenoun and an initial root of a complex noun stem is not always clear. Next we discuss abstract grammatical initials, preverbs, and proclitics that occur with nouns. Finally, we discuss derivation of nouns from verbs.

Note that in this chapter, we have included underlying pitch accents in the analyses as much as possible: a special effort was made to verify all the underlying forms, in order to show the relationship to surface pronunciations.

The noun stem, like the verb stem, is often internally complex. In addition to single-morpheme stems, there are stems that contain both an initial and a final element and also modified stems that have one or more adjective-like “prenouns” affixed to them. Moreover, some of the initial and prenoun elements are themselves derived from independent verb or noun stems. There are also noun stems that contain lexical derivational finals—“dependent nouns”—that cannot occur independently and are not obviously related to another independent noun. Note that from a broad perspective, as argued by Ives Goddard (1990), all of the multi-morpheme nominal forms can simply be considered to be compound noun stems consisting of two elements, an initial and a final. The finals may be either independent or dependent. The initials are likewise often derived from independent forms. Nevertheless, in the following, we examine separately the different subcategories of compound nouns listed above for the sake of greater clarity.

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13. Usage—Conjunct Order

Andrew Cowell University Press of Colorado ePub

The conjunct order, as described briefly in chapter 2, occurs primarily in subordinate clauses that express things like the background to or consequence of the action in the main clause. In this chapter, information is presented on the various more specific uses of the conjunct order beyond the prototypical uses described earlier.

The simple conjunct verbs look exactly like the affirmative order verbs in Arapaho as far as their person and number inflectional suffixes. They are distinguished only by sets of preverbs that are limited to subordinate clauses. Many of these express temporal and/or aspectual distinctions. The primary Arapaho simple conjunct order preverbs of this type are:

All of these preverbs are used with adverbial subordinate clauses. Before presenting examples of these preverbs in clauses, we offer an overall analysis of their function, concentrating on /toh/, /tih/, and /ei’i/. The fundamental distinction between these preverbs is between /toh/ on the one hand and /tih/ and /ei’i/ on the other. The distinction is based on a judgment of the relevance of the given background event referred to by the conjunct verb for the action in the main clause, as suggested by the parenthetical remarks in the above list. /Toh/ marks maximal logical relevance or connectedness between the actions of the main and subordinate clauses and is used in cause-and-effect statements. On the other hand, /tih/ and /ei’i/ mark events that are less clearly related to or necessary for the events in the main clause where there is no clear causal connection. The distinction between /tih/ and /ei’i/ is that the former marks the imperfective aspect, whereas the latter marks the perfective aspect. Background actions occurring in the present tense seem to require /toh/ obligatorily (and thus to be relevant by default), whereas actions in the past can be marked by any of the three preverbs. Note that /tih/ often occurs with the imperfective marker /ii/, which seems initially strange given the analysis just presented of its aspectual meaning. When the imperfective marker is used, this gives one of two additional senses to the verb: a background habitual aspect or a background ongoing aspect. Examples of the different temporal/aspectual usages follow.

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20. Numbers, Counting, Times, and Dates

Andrew Cowell University Press of Colorado ePub

The grammar of numbers, times, and dates is quite complex in Arapaho because except in the case of simple counting, number roots occur in verbal forms. There are numerous derivational suffixes used with number roots to form verbs indicating quantity, ordinal numbers, clock time, and so forth. Although some are familiar primary derivational forms, others are unique to the number verbs.

The simple count numbers are:

The numbers show clear traces of a quinary counting system, and this is reinforced by the fact that /niit/ is a common root for ‘one’ in the language (/niiteiyookuu/ ‘to stand in line, to stand one-by-one’, nííto’ ‘first’)

The teens series is formed by the addition of the II derivational final /iini/ to the number roots, thus forming verbs—but often without initial change. Formerly, the count form for ‘ten’ was added prior to this, and some people still do this today:

The succeeding decades are formed by adding the II derivational final /yoo/ to the count number roots. Once again, verbs are thus formed—but again without initial change for most speakers. The intervening numbers are formed in the same way as the teens:

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