7 Chapters
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2 The Memory of the Mongols in Early Ottoman Historiography \ Baki Tezcan

Hakki Erdem Cipa Indiana University Press ePub

This Essay Explores the ways in which fourteenth-century historiography refl ects the Ottomans’ relationship with their ultimate overlords, the Mongols. When Osman, the founder of the Ottoman dynasty, started his military operations in Byzantine Bithynia (in northwestern Anatolia, to the east of the Marmara Sea) around 1300, most of Anatolia was under the direct rule of the Ilkhans, a dynasty that was established in Azerbaijan by Genghis Khan’s grandson Hulagu (d. 1265), the Mongol ruler who conquered Baghdad in 1258 and brought the Abbasid Caliphate to an end. Most Ottoman historical sources, however, either do not refer to the Mongols or mention them only as troublemakers in Anatolia. Rather, they anachronistically cast the Ottomans into a relationship of vassalage with the Anatolian Seljuks, a Turkish dynasty that ruled most of Anatolia from the late eleventh to the thirteenth century, when they became vassals of the Ilkhans before gradually disappearing from the political scene altogether.

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3 Imperialism, Bureaucratic Consciousness, and the Historian’s Craft: A Reading of Celālzāde Muṣṭafā’s Ṭabaḳātü’l-Memālik ve Derecātü’l-Mesālik \ Kaya Şahin

Hakki Erdem Cipa Indiana University Press ePub

 

Celālzāde MusṬafā’s (d. 1567) Ṭabaḳātü’l-Memālik ve Derecātü’l-Mesālik (Echelons of the Dominions and Hierarchies of the Professions), hereafter Ṭabaḳāt, continues to surprise readers with its large volume and ambitious scope.1 It begins with a concise treatment of Selim I’s rule (1512–1520) and then focuses on the events of Süleyman’s reign (1520–1566) from the enthronement of the sultan to the opening of the Süleymaniye Mosque in 1557. The work is written in a language that is oft en metaphor-laden, rich and thick, a product of Muṣṭafā’s conviction that the first half of the sixteenth century represented an unprecedented era in Ottoman history. Muṣṭafā believed that this era deserved to be recorded in a language worthy of its achievements and that a correct version of its history should be produced and circulated by those few with access to the inner workings of the Ottoman government.2

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5 Seeing the Past: Maps and Ottoman Historical Consciousness \ Giancarlo Casale

Hakki Erdem Cipa Indiana University Press ePub

 

The world map commonly known as the “Mappamundi of Tunuslu Hajji Ahmed” easily ranks among the most significant achievements of early modern cartography. Created as a woodcut in an unknown Venetian workshop in 1559, it is the earliest known Turkish-language work of any kind to be designed for publication and sale in the Ottoman market. With the exception of two earlier charts by the famous cartographer Pīrī Re’īs (d. 1554), now extant only in fragmentary form, it also ranks as the oldest stand-alone Turcophone world map. Its copious companion text, intricately and painstakingly inscribed around the map’s outer margins, is among the most extensive original Turkish-language geographical treatises to have survived from the sixteenth century.1

Yet for all of these singular qualities, Hajji Ahmed’s map has attracted surprisingly little attention from Ottoman historians: no complete transcription or translation of its contents has ever been published; it is regularly omitted from catalogues and reference works devoted to Ottoman geography and cartography; and it has, to date, been studied by only a handful of scholars with the linguistic skills to read its contents. Even among these specialists, the main topic that seems to have generated genuine scholarly interest relates to the question of the “real” identity of its author, a subject first addressed by the philologist Victor L. Ménage in a seminal article published in 1958.2

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6 From Adam to Süleyman: Visual Representations of Authority in ‘Ārif’s Shāhnāma-yi Āl-i ‘Osmān \ Fatma Sinem Eryılmaz

Hakki Erdem Cipa Indiana University Press ePub

 

In the Spring of 1558, the court eulogist ‘Ārif was ready to present the first complete volume of his dynastic literary project Shāhnāma-yi Āl-i Osmān (The Shāhnāma of the House of ‘Osmān) to his patron and king Süleyman (r. 1520–1566), the tenth sultan in the dynastic line of Osman.1 ‘Ārif’s was a universal history project consisting of five volumes.2 The first volume, entitled Anbiyānāma (The Book of Prophets), narrates in Persian verse a selection of stories of the biblical antediluvian prophets, including Adam (Ādam), Seth (Shīsh), Enosh (Anūsh), Cainan (Kan’ān), Mahalaleel (Mahlā’īl), Jared (Barad), Enoch (Idrīs), and Noah (Nūh).3 The narrative also mentions leading figures from Iranian mythic history, such as kings Kayumars (Kayūmars), Zahhak (Dahhāk), and (especially) Jamshid (Jamshīd).4

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7 The Challenge of Periodization: New Patterns in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Historiography \ Hakan T. Karateke

Hakki Erdem Cipa Indiana University Press ePub

 

Ottoman Historical Consciousness and historiographical practices simultaneously underwent significant changes in the nineteenth century. This essay, conceived as the first in a series on new developments in Ottoman historiography during that century, concentrates on changes to Ottoman models of periodization for world history and aims to demonstrate that Ottoman historical consciousness entered a novel phase during the late nineteenth century. According to this new tripartite periodization model, world history was divided into “Ancient,” “Medieval,” and “New” periods, a departure from pre-nineteenth-century world histories, in which accounts of various dynasties had been given in roughly chronological fashion, with loose geographical groupings.

The choice of a new model for periodizing world history was a manifestation of a changing worldview, an indication of where the Ottomans located themselves in the emerging world civilization of the nineteenth century. Although that project was spearheaded by contemporary western European ideals, members of the Ottoman elite no doubt considered themselves a part of it. Moreover, the idea of a world civilization that was shared by, and common to, all leading nations of the world facilitated the appropriation of non-Ottoman models in many spheres, including historical periodization.

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