A C Greene (8)
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Bibliography

A. C. Greene University of North Texas Press PDF

Bibliography

Abernethy, Francis Edward, ed. Legendary Ladies of Texas. Denton: University of North Texas Press, 1994.

Banning, Captain William and George Hugh Banning. Six Horses. New York:

The Century Co., 1930.

Barrett, Thomas. The Great Hanging at Gainesville, Cooke County, Texas, October, A.D. 1862. Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1961.

Barry, Buck. A Texas Ranger and Frontiersman: The Days of Buck Barry in Texas,

1845-1906. Ed. James K. Greer. Dallas: Southwest Press, 1932.

Bartlett, John Russell. Personal Narratives of Explorations and Incidents in

Texas, New Mexico, California, Sonora and Chihuahua Connected with the

United States and Mexico 1850-1853- Chicago: Rio Grande Press, 1965.

Bierschwale, Margaret. "Mason County, Texas, 1845-187°." Southwestern Historical Quarterly LlI (April 1949): 379-97.

Biffle, Kent. "No Quarter for Unionists in North Texas." The Dallas Morning

News, 27 September 1992, 47A.

Biggers, Don Hampton. History That Will Never Be Repeated. Ennis, Texas: HiGrade Printing Office, 1902.

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Part IV. Modern Travelers on the Butterfield Trail—The Past Is Not Past: The Trail's Still Down There

A. C. Greene University of North Texas Press PDF

I

you fly over Mountain Pass in Taylor County, Texas, you can see in the chalky earth below two faint white tracks which follow the north edge of the hills, climbing toward the low summit of the pass. And if your imagination and your sense of history are as good as your eyesight, you should hear the clatter of hooves and wheels, the pop of a whip, or the faint cries of a brass bugle heralding the approach of the stagecoach, for this is one of the few visible traces of the actual road of John Butterfield's Southern Overland

Mail through Texas: the Butterfield Trail. Most of the remainder of the trail has been plowed under, paved over, overgrown by mesquite and scrub oak, or lost midst the maze of mechanical tracks created when an oil well is drilled and sustained.

There is a challenge to the modem traveler trying to follow in any fashion-foot, horse, or auto-the old Butterfield Trail. But arduous as the effort becomes, my wife and I found the job not just rewarding but exhilarating when we traced the trail in the 1990S.

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A New Look

A. C. Greene University of North Texas Press PDF

A New Look

A

lthough much has been written about the Butterfield Overland Mail service, there are five eyewitness accounts on which a good part of the sum total has been based. The first, to which every subsequent western historian is indebted, is the account by Waterman Lily Ormsby, Jr., of his adventures as the only through passenger on the first Southern Overland Mail trip westward from Missouri to San Francisco in 1858. Butterfield was paying the fare for twenty-three-year-old Ormsby, a reporter for the New

York Herald. His stories ran in that newspaper as he wrote them on the move and mailed them back east. He was not only a good writer-few reporters of any age have bettered his clear, humorous, style-but also a fine observer.2 His eyewitness account of the journey and the country he traveled holds up almost point by point nearly

140 years later. As for accuracy and interpretation, the years have proved him also to be a good historian. Writing at a time when national tempers were on edge, when sectionalism was racing toward its disastrous Civil War climax, he is impartial and appreciative of human individuality-guilty of neither editorializing nor factionalism. In addition to his other virtues, he uses a modern tone, his prose free from the orotund verbiage and mawkishness of so much of that period's writing. His Butterfield Trail reports have been reprinted twice, but the best version of The Butterfield Overland Mail was edited by Lyle H. Wright and Josephine M. Bynum and published by the Huntington Library in 1955.

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Part V. Crossroads

A. C. Greene University of North Texas Press PDF

An Inspector's Report

IN 1858 Goddard Bailey, Special Agent for Postmaster General Aaron

V. Brown, inspected the transcontinental mail systems, including the route across the Isthmus of Panama. After that, he was on the first Butterfield stage going from San Francisco to St. Louis, and his report on the line is of interest.'

"The establishment of a regular and permanent line of communication, overland, between the Atlantic States and California being a matter of general interest, some desire may naturally be felt to know how far the enterprise recently inaugurated under the auspices of your department has succeeded," Bailey wrote. "I am induced, therefore, to reproduce somewhat in detail, the notes I took while accompanying the first mail sent from the Pacific under the contract with the Overland Mail Company."

Pointing out that the stage, in San Francisco, started from the

Plaza shortly after midnight on September 14, he says he arrived at

Tipton, the Missouri terminus of the Pacific railroad, at 9:05 A.M.,

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Part VI. Epilogue—The Dream Ends, But Legends Abide

A. C. Greene University of North Texas Press PDF

John Butterfield

John Butterfield had a sad finale to his Overland vision. His problems started in 1859 when Congress, because of internal political conflicts, failed to pass the annual Post Office Appropriation Bill.

President James Buchanan refused to call a special session to authorize payments on mail contracts, and the Overland Mail Company, in order to continue, had to make repeated new loans with

Wells Fargo and Adams Express Company. The Adams Express loans were covered by the contract payments owed from the Post Office

Department; thus, Wells Fargo remained the major risk-taker.'

As a result of the increasing debt load of the Overland Mail Companyand policy differences with John Butterfield, Wells Fargo management grew annoyed. Several Wells Fargo directors "expressed concern" about the management and "excessive expenditures" of the

OMC. The climax came on March 19, 1860, at the board's New York meeting. Danford N. Barney, a Wells Fargo director and an original director of the Overland Mail Company, earlier had demanded the

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Adam R Seipp (5)
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4 These People, 1947–1949

Adam R. Seipp Indiana University Press ePub

In May 1948, a high-level meeting took place in Frankfurt between representatives of the International Refugee Organization (IRO), UNRRA’s successor organization, and officials of the American Military Government. More than a year after the disastrous DP camp riots, the situation in Germany looked very different. As rebuilding continued apace, IRO officials faced an increasingly difficult task in convincing anyone that they needed more time and supplies for DPs in their care. When an IRO administrator pressed the Americans for more food aid, a clearly frustrated American official named Hatch worried that such a gesture would infuriate expellees who received no such aid. “It might produce an unrest factor with the Sudeten Germans if more food were taken in to these people.” Hatch’s irritated retort highlighted the dwindling range of options. “The greatest solution to this problem,” he suggested, “[is] in getting these people out of the country.”1

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5 A Victory for Democracy, 1949–1952

Adam R. Seipp Indiana University Press ePub

For the second time in fifteen years, the hill above Wildflecken swarmed with workers and construction crews. In the snows of January 1951, a tent city grew in the Franconian uplands. Where a shrinking but sizable DP population still hung on in the IRO camp, they were joined by U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, specialists, and German contractors. There was a lot of work to be done, repairing buildings, paving roads, and installing the necessary accoutrements of a military installation. Years later, Brigadier General Carl McIntosh recalled his arrival at Wildflecken with the 4th Infantry Division. “The best I can remember of Wildflecken was there had been displaced persons housed there . . . they had burnt down about half of the post and cut down all the trees around there just trying to stay warm . . . they nearly froze to death up there because there wasn’t any heat, and nothing was supplied to them. So, we were building a road, setting up rock crushers and building ammunition pads . . . for the future needs of a post, camp or station there.” With more than six hundred German workers on the site, living space ran short. Many lived in tents until summer, no doubt a miserable existence in the cold of the Rhön. There was also fun to be had, with contractors building canteens “staffed by husky, friendly German girls” who worked to keep laborers fed. As a Corps of Engineers inspector later wrote, “Naturally wherever troops were stationed near construction work these canteens became a favorite of the troops and caused both Commanding Officers and the Construction Engineers considerable headaches.”1

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1 The Wild Place, 1933–1945

Adam R. Seipp Indiana University Press ePub

On a summer day in 1937, a hunter pauses at the edge of a meadow halfway up to the summit of the Löserhag and looks behind him into the valley of the Sinn River. Yellow and blue flowers dapple the clearing in the bright sun. A few feet away, a narrow footpath plunges into the gloomy darkness of the great beech forests of the Franconian Rhön. The hunter looks down the slope to the valley floor toward the village of Wildflecken. With its tidy red roofs, the town of a few hundred souls nests in between two ranges of hills along a single railroad track that connects it to the world beyond.

But the hunter’s home is changing as he watches. He can see the red brick bridge over the Brückenau road and the new square in the middle of town. Across the valley and up a hill, hundreds of workers put the last touches on rows of squat, narrow buildings. Soon there would be horses in the newly built stables and hundreds, then thousands, of soldiers living in the barracks. A new street connects the town and the base, paved with heavy white stones to accommodate the vast bulk of military vehicles that will soon rumble through the valley. Turning to the west, our hunter shakes his head when he sees farmhouses and villages sitting abandoned in neat clearings a few kilometers away. A year ago, those villages had been his neighbors. Then the German state ordered them abandoned to build the new troop training facility. As he shoulders his rifle and walks into the woods, he wonders to himself what all of this change will mean for his family and his town. Perhaps he suspects that Germany is on the road to another war, but he cannot know what that struggle will mean for this quiet valley.

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2 The Seigneurs of Wildflecken, 1945–1947

Adam R. Seipp Indiana University Press ePub

On the morning of May 16, 1945, news reached Wildflecken that a villager had been injured in a fight at the camp. Mayor Bruno Kleinhenz grabbed local physician Erich L., Wehrmacht civil administrator Peter M., and the town’s sole law enforcement officer, the young Wilhelm Henties. Together they jumped in a car and headed up the hill. Henties knew the camp’s erstwhile commander, a Russian major named Pavlov, and hoped to find him. By American orders, none of the Germans were armed, and Henties did not have the right to wear a uniform. In the midst of thousands of angry former forced laborers, this was a dangerous situation. Things went wrong quickly. The crowd turned on the delegation, dragging them from the truck and beating and stabbing all four. A Frenchman among the laborers ran to the American military post nearby and summoned help, which arrived and dispersed the mob. The bodies of Kleinhenz, L., and M. lay in the street, while Henties, grievously wounded, survived to recover in the hospital in Brückenau.1

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3 Keeping Refugees Occupied, 1945–1948

Adam R. Seipp Indiana University Press ePub

Armin G. did not like Americans very much. He also had little love for his erstwhile German protectors or their local government. Armin and his family arrived in Brückenau from Yugoslavia in 1945, ethnic Germans who found themselves on the wrong side of the postwar order in the Balkans. Armin was a consummate troublemaker and a political chameleon, capable of adjusting his entire persona when the need arose. Along with his large family, he lived in temporary quarters in one of Brückenau’s resort casinos, from which he occasionally emerged in traditional Bavarian dress carrying an axe and intimidating refugees and townspeople alike.

Problems began in 1946, when Armin told authorities a bizarre story that American soldiers held his family at gunpoint and demanded liquor. When his interlocutors pressed him for specifics, he withdrew his complaint. After the manager of the resort went to speak with Armin, the two fought and both later went to the Americans to complain about the other. “The Germans,” wrote one Military Government official to another after hearing both sides, “should be encouraged to ‘clean their own house.’ ” When the Americans visited Armin, along with his seven children and various other relatives, they found him resolutely uncooperative, unwilling to move to new quarters, and enthusiastically displaying Communist symbols and a banner reading “Workers of the World, Unite.”

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Adil Hussain Khan (7)
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5 Religion and Politics after Partition: The Ahmadi Jihad for Kashmir

Adil Hussain Khan Indiana University Press ePub

5  Religion and Politics after Partition

The Ahmadi Jihad for Kashmir

Partition and Kashmir

With the presidency of the All-India Kashmir Committee behind him, Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad continued his campaign in Kashmir as head of Jama῾at-i Ahmadiyya. This involved a temporary transformation of his image to that of a less political khalīfa. Despite attempts to maintain his affiliation with the All-India Kashmir Committee, the relationship proved to be irreconcilable. Internal support from Jama῾at-i Ahmadiyya was nonetheless enough to provide Mahmud Ahmad with a sufficient platform to continue working towards Kashmir’s independence on his own. As this transition unfolded in subsequent years, Jama῾at-i Ahmadiyya began moving in a different direction from the All-India Kashmir Committee, while other changes beyond Mahmud Ahmad’s control continued to take place on the Kashmiri front. By 1939, Sheikh Abdullah had shifted the discourse away from sharp communal polemics that highlighted internal differences, towards an inclusive Kashmiri nationalist movement intended to unite the people of Kashmir. This may be illustrated by the name change of his All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference to the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference, as noted by Mridu Rai. The new platform incorporated Hindus and Sikhs, in addition to Muslims, as victims of the Dogra government’s oppression of its people and marked a new approach to both Kashmiri politics and identity.1

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1 Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani before Prophethood

Adil Hussain Khan Indiana University Press ePub

1  Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani before Prophethood

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s Family Background

Accounts of the life of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad usually begin with descriptions of the Mirza᾽i family’s sixteenth-century migration from Persian Central Asia to India. This format follows the chief source of information on his family background, located in a similarly structured autobiographical account which takes up a considerable portion of the footnotes of his Kitāb al-Bariyya (Book of Exoneration).1 Ghulam Ahmad’s emphasis on lineage played an important role in establishing credibility, both religiously and socially, for Jama῾at-i Ahmadiyya, and it sheds light on Ghulam Ahmad’s mission by characterizing the colonial context of the time. The fact that lineage has consistently been presented by Ahmadi sources as requisite for understanding the life and claims of the movement’s founder should be an indication of the values of the early community and of the nineteenth-century Indian society from which it emerged.

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7 Persecution in Pakistan and Politicization of Ahmadi Identity

Adil Hussain Khan Indiana University Press ePub

7  Persecution in Pakistan and Politicization of Ahmadi Identity

The Politics of Partition

Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad, khalīfat al-masīh II, remained immersed in the Kashmir crisis throughout the 1930s, which led to a sustained rivalry with the Majlis-i Ahrar. By the 1940s, both organizations had diverted their attention to the Second World War, which enabled tensions to simmer in the background for the next few years. By the end of the war, the political priorities of community leaders had shifted once again towards gaining independence from Britain. This meant that there was a greater sense of urgency among organizational leaders to voice concerns about the prospects for self-governance currently under consideration. As the push for independence gained momentum in the public discourse, India’s community leaders went from entertaining proposals to finalizing schemes.1 Although the earliest proposals dated back well into the nineteenth century, by the mid-1940s only two models of governance dominated the debate. The first viable option was rooted in conceptions of Indian nationalism, while the second was rooted in religious separatism. India’s nationalists backed the creation of a single state, represented by a unified India, whereas religious separatists sought the creation of independent states based on religious affiliations. As plans for independence materialized, it became increasingly clear that India would be partitioned along religious grounds. Most separatists, however, still did not want religion to dominate public policy. On the contrary, religious affiliations were primarily intended to serve as a means of determining international boundaries. This made mixed-population states, such as Punjab, problematic for advocates of partition, due to the rich complexity of its religious heritage and the varied distribution of its religious demographic.2 As a result, quarreling about population distributions created confusion which postponed the demarcation of international borders until late in the process.

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2 The Prophetic Claims of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad

Adil Hussain Khan Indiana University Press ePub

2  The Prophetic Claims of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s Primary and Secondary Claims

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s education and spiritual training shaped the way in which he understood and expressed his religious experiences. His spiritual claims were complex, with subtle nuances that developed over the course of his life, but the controversy surrounding his claims is in many ways what makes his mission most interesting. Any serious analysis of Ghulam Ahmad’s claims must account for changes in interpretation that have taken place over time. The expansion of these claims did not come to an end with Ghulam Ahmad’s death, but rather continued through successive generations of Ahmadi interpreters who framed and articulated these claims differently. The ambiguous and sometimes paradoxical nature of Ghulam Ahmad’s Sufi-style metaphysics has led to divergent opinions about him. His views on theological issues are often presented analytically, whereas in actuality they are difficult to assess. The controversial aspects of Ahmadi Islam are less a result of Ghulam Ahmad’s primary spiritual claims and more a result of consequential inferences from—or secondary implications of—what his primary claims seem to entail. The best example of this is the case of Ghulam Ahmad’s prophethood itself, which was, surprisingly, not one of his primary spiritual claims. Similarly, Ghulam Ahmad’s rejection of violent jihad and his insistence upon Jesus’s survival of crucifixion were consequences of his claim to be the promised messiah. To better understand Ghulam Ahmad’s mission and appreciate how he became a prophet of God, one must evaluate the religious background of his primary spiritual claims alongside what they entail.

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3 Authority, Khilāfat, and the Lahori-Qadiani Split

Adil Hussain Khan Indiana University Press ePub

3  Authority, Khilāfat, and the Lahori-Qadiani Split

The Setting for the Split

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad passed away in the early morning hours of May 26, 1908, while visiting Lahore. His body was transported back to Qadian where Maulvi Hakim Nur al-Din, a close companion and disciple, led the funeral prayer after unanimously being chosen as Ghulam Ahmad’s successor by the Ahmadis participating in the procession. Although the events may have taken some time to unfold, the selection of Hakim Nur al-Din was not contested by the nearly 1,200 members in attendance, who offered him their bay῾at (allegiance).1 Nur al-Din had been the first person to take Ghulam Ahmad’s bay῾at in Ludhiana in 1889 and had always been regarded as one of Ghulam Ahmad’s most trusted friends. During his reign as khalīfa, Nur al-Din did little to assert his authority over the Jama῾at. His mild-mannered personality and strict adherence to Ghulam Ahmad left little room for objections. It was not until his own death six years later that the underlying differences within Jama῾at-i Ahmadiyya began to emerge.

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Afterword By Kevin Dwyer Edited By Davi (11)
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3 - Thinking about Class and Status in Morocco

Afterword by Kevin Dwyer Edited by Davi Indiana University Press ePub

DAVID A. McMURRAY

A barber worked directly across the street from the front door of our apartment in the late 1980s in Nador, a gritty boomtown in the Berber north that was exploding with the repatriated wealth of emigrants away in Europe as well as the revenues from goods smuggled in from Spain and hash smuggled out of Morocco.1 The barber's shop was decorated with posters of stylish men, all of them models advertising various hair care products. He had hired another barber—a poorer man, judging by his attire—to help out during busy times, such as early evening hours and Fridays. He also made the second barber sweep out the shop at night when they closed, about 9:00.

The head barber would lounge in the doorway to his salon between customers. Nothing that we did across the street escaped his eye. He claimed, and I believed him, that he had spent a few months in Germany. His clothing, which could have been labeled at the time “urban Mediterranean,” suggested that he knew his way around the local big city of Oujda, perhaps even the national big cities of Fes and Casablanca, for he wore tight-fitting, open-collar shirts unbuttoned to mid-chest. His slacks had no back pockets so they could hug his hips and butt, though they did have immaculate creases down each leg. His sockless feet were planted in polished loafers. His hair, while short, had some gel-like substance in it to make it glisten. He never dressed in traditional Moroccan male attire on Fridays or holy days, which suggested that he wasn't especially religious or especially enamored of local customs. His trade let everyone know that he wasn't a wealthy man. However, the families in his building would often receive their letters addressed in care of the barber. This was a way the families used to maintain some anonymity, but it also revealed that they trusted him.

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5 - Suspicion, Secrecy, and Uncomfortable Negotiations over Knowledge Production in Southwestern Morocco

Afterword by Kevin Dwyer Edited by Davi Indiana University Press ePub

KATHERINE E. HOFFMAN

Power relations inherent in the encounter between anthropologist and informant engaged the advocates of reflexive anthropology working in Morocco (Crapanzano 1980; K. Dwyer 1982; Rabinow 2007 [1977]). Their analyses have reconfigured the practice and writing of ethnography over the last three decades. Questions of truth, disclosure, and suspicion shape not only anthropologists’ relationships in the field, but also the data that can be collected and the forms in which it can be presented to outsiders. Irfan Ahmad remarks in regard to ethnographic informants’ frequent suspicion of the state that perhaps we should “also talk—after Geertz's ‘theatre state,’ Dirks's ‘ethnographic state,’ Messick's ‘calligraphic state’—about the ‘state of suspicion’ (in a double sense) that defines contemporary times and anthropologists[’] interactions therewith” (2008). Political and historical factors internal to Moroccan communities, especially rural ones, also shape the ways informants accommodate or reject particular researchers and their projects.

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6 - The Activist and the Anthropologist

Afterword by Kevin Dwyer Edited by Davi Indiana University Press ePub

PAUL A. SILVERSTEIN

In his afterword to Paul Rabinow's Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco (2007 [1977], 166–67), Pierre Bourdieu cites Jean Piaget's famous dictum, “it is not so much that children don't know how to talk: they try out many languages until they find one their parents can understand,” and concludes, “Ethnology will have taken a giant step forward when all ethnologists understand that something similar is taking place between informants and themselves.” This is a striking yet curious statement. Curious because it portrays anthropology as an improvable, developmental discipline, in spite of Bourdieu's critique several pages earlier of the “positivist conception of scientific work” and his applauding Rabinow for having broken with the “refurbished positivism” of his teacher, Clifford Geertz (ibid., 163). Curious also because Bourdieu would not reflect on his own field experience in North Africa or his dialogical relationship with his own informants until twenty years later, at the end of his life (Bourdieu 2003a, 2004, 2008; see also Goodman and Silverstein 2009). Yet ultimately what makes the statement so striking and prescient is that it runs against the grain of anthropology's relativist recognition of radical otherness and posits instead the ultimate commensurability of anthropologist and informant. While one certainly may be tempted to read Bourdieu as likening informants to children, the reverse may actually hold, as it is the anthropologist who, like a child, must learn his informant's idiom and who tries out various interpretive schemes until he finds one his informant can understand. In any case, Bourdieu, through Piaget, has placed self and other in the same psychic family—if not mutually self-constituting, then at least convergent in their quest for understanding and communication.

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11 - Afterword: Anthropologists among Moroccans

Afterword by Kevin Dwyer Edited by Davi Indiana University Press ePub

KEVIN DWYER

The essays in this volume address topics that, for a long time, were present only at the margins of academic anthropological discourse, if they appeared at all. Issues like the anthropologist's “identity”—the implications of the anthropologist's origins and how anthropologists construct themselves in the field; the attractions and perils of friendship; the impact of the anthropologist's family on fieldwork; suspicion of and hostility toward the anthropologist and competition between the anthropologist and others in the field; the tensions among the many aspects of an anthropologist's humanity, and between the roles of researcher and judge, between “scientific” observation and judgmental evaluation; the temptations of religious conversion; the fieldworker's deep, often extreme emotions in certain situations; the researcher's uncertain “control” over the fieldwork situation and the importance of unintended consequences, accidents, and mistakes—these are just some of the many topics these essays treat that were rarely explored in the anthropological literature up through the 1960s. These topics were seen as largely irrelevant to the knowledge-gathering aims of the discipline, and writing about them, reflecting on the anthropologist's own feelings and actions while in the field (what has come to be called anthropological “reflexivity”), exposed authors then, and sometimes still does, to accusations of self-centeredness; of emphasizing their own presence, personality, and role at the expense of conveying knowledge about the other; of using language betraying too much emotion at the expense of cool, objective discourse. Today it is widely accepted that such accusations are fundamentally misguided and based on the illusion that knowledge of the other exists in a timeless and context-free domain, independent of the particular anthropologist who—situated culturally, geographically, and historically and with his or her personal and behavioral dispositions—tries to construct it. As the essays in this volume demonstrate convincingly, when anthropologists show and question themselves in their encounter with the other, our knowledge of the interaction gains in depth and complexity, as does our understanding of both the other and ourselves.

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1 - Arabic or French? The Politics of Parole at a Psychiatric Hospital in Morocco

Afterword by Kevin Dwyer Edited by Davi Indiana University Press ePub

The Politics of Parole at a Psychiatric Hospital in Morocco

CHARLOTTE E. VAN DEN HOUT

It is Thursday morning, and the patients and doctors of the open women's ward at a Moroccan psychiatric hospital are gathering in the lounge for the weekly ijtima, an hour or so of sharing stories, experiences, and impressions of life at the hospital. As the women take their seats on the couches—made in a traditional design, but with a modern twist—the hum of excited whispers hangs in the air. There's been conflict in the corridors this week, and the patients are expecting the issue to come to a head at today's meeting.

This morning I sit next to Nadia,1 a woman in her fifties who has been hospitalized for treatment of depression. She's been here for a few weeks now and is clearly doing better. She has rediscovered an appreciation for the company of others, no longer isolating herself in her room. She's gotten back into the habit of applying eye makeup in the morning, and the curl has returned to her short, auburn hair. Over the past few days, she has sought me out on the ward to tell me stories of her past and illness, as well as plans for her future.

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Alanna E Cooper (6)
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Part 2. Eighteenth-Century Conversations

Alanna E. Cooper Indiana University Press ePub

Much is at stake in writing the past of the Bukharan Jews, for their story—ostensibly about a small, marginal diaspora group—actually encapsulates the dynamics of Jewish history and Jewish People in the broadest sense. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the tale of an eighteenth-century Sephardi emissary from Ottoman Palestine, and his encounter with Central Asia’s Bukharan Jews.

At the end of the eighteenth century, a young man by the name of Yosef Maman is said to have set out from his home in Safed. He headed eastward as an emissary of the Holy Land, driven by a desire to educate Jews living in the far reaches of the diaspora. Over many generations of isolation from important centers of Jewish learning, explains historian Avraham Ya‘ari, these communities had lost their sense of connection to the Holy Land and to the Jewish People, and had strayed from the dictates of Judaism. The hardy, charismatic Maman, who was not much older than twenty, was determined to reunite them.

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Acknowledgments

Alanna E. Cooper Indiana University Press ePub

This work is about the way in which unity can be constructed and maintained in the midst of tremendous flux and dispersion. Indeed, the book itself brings together in a single volume almost twenty years of research and writing, done in many locales. My deep love and devotion to the subject matters have carried me through the process. But this was no solitary enterprise. It could never have been accomplished without the care, support, encouragement, wisdom, friendship, sharing, and dedication of so many whom I met along the way. Some joined me in my endeavors for a few fleeting moments, and with others I have had deeper and more sustained interactions. Regardless, this work is a product of all these relationships.

First, I must thank the people whom this book is about. Although it is not possible for me to list each of the hundreds of individuals who shaped this work by sharing pieces of their lives with me, I extend deep gratitude to all those who did. I am particularly thankful to a few for opening their hearts and homes to me, and for the great time and energy they spent teaching and sharing with me. These include: Yitzhak Abramov, Rivka (Aronbayev) Aharoni, Leora Gevirtzman, Rahel Karayof, Berta Nektalov, Shlomo Haye Niyazov, Geula Sabet, and Nina Yitzhakov. I would also like to mention Sasha Aronbayev and Mikhael Chulpayev, who passed away while still in the prime of their lives. I am grateful for their generosity of time and spirit, and wish I could have been able to share this book with them. May their memory be for a blessing. There are others whose anonymity I have worked to preserve, and am therefore unable to thank by name. I am deeply indebted to these individuals whose lives are so integral to the story I tell here.

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Part 3. Nineteenth-Century Conversations

Alanna E. Cooper Indiana University Press ePub

The story of Yosef Maman’s arrival in Central Asia at the turn of the eighteenth century signifies the onset of new forms of engagements between the Jews of Bukhara and the Jewish world that lay to the west. These relationships intensified in the nineteenth century as Imperial Russia encroached on Central Asia, bringing the region under its control. Taking advantage of improved conditions for travel and communication and of new mercantile opportunities the Russians brought with them, Bukhara’s Jews formed new far-reaching trade relationships. A well-traveled, nouveau riche class emerged, focused on material acquisition as well as on using their recently obtained financial resources to enhance their spiritual lives. Pilgrimage to the Holy Land became fashionable, and importing religious teachers from there also gained popularity. Through these connections, the Jews of Bukhara were drawn into extensive conversations about religion with rabbinic authorities in Ottoman Palestine.

The next chapter (chapter 6) will trace the contours of these charged debates; we will analyze these in a manner akin to the way in which the debates between Maman and Central Asia’s local religious authorities were studied. The current chapter sets the stage by providing a political and historical context for these colorful and complex international religious conversations.

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Preface: Reining in Diaspora’s Margins

Alanna E. Cooper Indiana University Press ePub

For countless generations, Jewish houses of prayer, schools, neighborhood associations, and markets dotted the landscape of Central Asia’s ancient silk-route cities. Although historians are not certain when Jews first appeared in the region, most believe they were among those who were exiled—or whose ancestors were exiled—from the Land of Israel in the sixth century BCE at the hands of the Babylonians. They moved eastward, probably as merchants along trade routes, spreading out as far as the fertile river valleys of present-day Uzbekistan and Tajikistan.

As the centuries passed, their descendants continued to carry the collective memory of exile and loss of the Jewish homeland. Over time, however, their historical experiences became intimately linked to the Central Asian landscape in which they found themselves. So much so, that the Jews whom I met there in the 1990s characterized themselves as “indigenous” to the region. We arrived here before Islam was introduced to the area, and before the Uzbek dynasts conquered the territory, they explained.

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Part 1. Introduction

Alanna E. Cooper Indiana University Press ePub

During the cold war, when tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States were high, the plight of the Jews of the USSR was on the forefront of the American Jewish public agenda. The refusenik movement, in particular, was given great attention and publicity. Among its heroes were Anatoly Sharansky, Ida Nudel, Vladimir Slepak, and others who attempted to leave their homes for a place where they could identify as Jews without stigma, and practice their religion without fear. As a consequence of applying for exit visas, they were declared enemies of the state, lost their jobs, and were imprisoned.

While I was growing up in the United States in the 1970s and 1980s, the stories of these refuseniks played a formative role in shaping my Jewish identity. I was among the many Jewish youth who signed petitions on their behalf, wrote letters of encouragement to them, sent money to organizations that fought for their freedom, and wore bracelets signifying our solidarity with their plight. These activities sensitized me to the situation of Soviet Jews, but also strongly informed my own ideas about what it meant to be an American Jew. They instilled within me a strong appreciation for the freedom that I had to practice religion and identify proudly as a Jew, all the while maintaining my sense of belonging to America.

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