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Medium 9780253018380

1 Remediating Space: Adaptation and Narrative Geography

Jane Stadler Indiana University Press ePub

The formal characteristics of films, novels, and plays privilege varied expressions of imaginative geography and these cultural narratives, we argue, not only mediate and represent space, place, and location but are themselves mediated representational spaces. Furthermore, films, novels, and plays also open themselves up to further remediation in the form of cross-media adaptation or, to push the point further, in the form of geovisualization and the spatial analysis it enables. Adaptation studies is an exciting, dynamic, and rapidly developing interdisciplinary field, and yet, like narrative theory, it has not fully or directly accounted for the question of space. Adaptation studies has been more concerned with questions of fidelity (or the validity of those questions), lines of influence, and transmediality and with the translation of space, place, and landscape between narrative forms being rarely addressed.

In compiling and constructing our Cultural Atlas of Australia, we encountered many texts in which the geographical setting of the narrative was modified—to greater or lesser degrees—across adaptations. For instance, John Curran’s 1998 film adaptation of Andrew McGahan’s cult “grunge” novel, Praise (1992), is filmed in Sydney rather than in Brisbane—the city in which the novel is set and with which it is intimately connected. Although McGahan wrote the screenplay for Curran’s adaptation, and although the narrative setting of the film version remains, broadly speaking, the same (that is, urban Australia in the early 1990s), the choice of filming location means that the adaptation loses some of the novel’s locational and regional specificity—namely, its focus on the then low-rent, inner-city Brisbane suburbs of New Farm and Fortitude Valley.1 A more dramatic example is Scott Hicks’s The Boys Are Back (2009), a film adaptation of British journalist Simon Carr’s memoir about his experiences raising his sons in New Zealand following the death of his wife. Hicks’s adaptation is neither set nor filmed in New Zealand; instead, it transplants the entire narrative to Australia, from Hawke’s Bay on the east coast of New Zealand’s north island to Adelaide, the capital of South Australia, and its environs—over 2000 miles (3219 km.) and another country away. Film adaptations may also, of course, provide a more heightened sense of location, simply by virtue of the fact they must be filmed somewhere, if they are being filmed on location, and this is particularly the case when the narrative setting of the adapted text is fictional, ambiguous, or only loosely sketched (as in the case of George T. Miller’s 1982 film adaptation of A. B. “Banjo” Paterson’s 1890 poem “The Man from Snowy River”). Stage adaptations are more likely, as we will see in the case study presented here, to reduce the geographical specificity of the original text while promoting a stronger sense of symbolic or mythic space. A case in point is Stephan Elliott’s 2006 stage adaptation of his highly successful film The Adventures of Priscilla, Queen of the Desert (1994), which will be further analyzed in chapter 5. The film follows a busload of drag queens as they travel from Sydney to Alice Springs, visiting Broken Hill, Coober Pedy, the Painted Desert at Oodnadatta, and Kings Canyon en route. In Elliott’s stage adaptation, the bus itself, rather than the locations it travels to, becomes by necessity the primary backdrop and the site for much of the production’s action.

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Medium 9780253353283

Sachsenhausen Main Camp

Geoffrey P Megargee Indiana University Press ePub

Undated photograph of the “roller detachment” marching to work.
USHMM WS#82927, COURTESY OF AG-S

Situated next to the Inspectorate of Concentration Camps (IKL, later Office Group D of the SS-Business Administration Main Office, or WVHA) at Oranienburg, just north of Berlin, Sachsenhausen stood at the center of the Nazi concentration camp system. Begun in the summer of 1936, just before the Berlin Olympics, it was the first new concentration camp built after Hitler gave full control of that system to the SS in 1934. As such, Sachsenhausen was intended to be a model facility; indeed, the Nazi press corps toured it for propaganda purposes in March 1938. Nevertheless, the camp’s striking triangular layout—an unwieldy blend of art deco and Jeremy Bentham’s Panopticon—proved ill-suited to expansion, and subsequent camps would follow more conventional patterns.

The SS brought the first 50 prisoners to the proposed site from Esterwegen in July 1936, followed by another 200 before the month was out. Construction began immediately. The protective detention camp, where the prisoners would be housed, took the shape of an isosceles triangle, with a narrow, rectangular headquarters area superimposed over the left side of the triangle’s base. Entrance to the camp was through an imposing gate house, topped by a guard tower. With the camp barracks laid out below in a radial, fanlike pattern, guards in this tower had an unobstructed line of sight virtually throughout the camp. Additional towers punctuated the camp’s stone perimeter wall, inside of which ran an electrified barbed-wire fence. Just inside the main gate was the camp’s sprawling, semicircular roll-call area. Painted on the ends of the barracks abutting it was one of the implausibly exhortative slogans favored in the 1930s-era camps: “There is one path to freedom! Its milestones are: diligence, obedience, honesty, order, cleanliness, sobriety, truthfulness, spirit of sacrifice, and love of the Fatherland!”

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Medium 9781574413205

Our Family Fishing Trips

Edited by Kenneth L. Untiedt University of North Texas Press PDF

7978-ch03.pdf

10/6/11

8:16 AM

Page 183

OUR FAMILY FISHING TRIPS by L. R. McCormack

One of my fondest memories of my Coney family is the fishing trips. Fishing was one of the activities the Coney boys loved. The

“boys” were the four sons of Leon Josephus Coney and Ida

Augusta Hawkins Coney. Their farm was located about five miles southeast of Ladonia, Texas. Not only was fishing their favorite sport, but it also provided some good meals. Their fishing was not done with a rod and reel. They used seines, and “grabbled” for the fish. My dad, Lowell (Sheep), and his brother Roy Leon (Buster) were the only two of the boys who could swim. Being the two youngest boys, they had developed a close bond through the years.

Dad could hold his breath under water so very long that they sometimes wondered if he had drowned. Buster could dive deeper than Dad. between the two of them, they checked out each fishing hole for suitable fish—as well as for water moccasins that were living in those holes—and selected the holes they would fish. They had several places that they visited regularly.

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Medium 9781609940119

The Personal Presence Self-Assessment

Dianna Booher Berrett-Koehler Publishers ePub
Medium 9781574415582

5. “Sie Kommen”: From Defeat to Liberation—German and Austrian Memory of the Allied “Invasion” of 6 June 1944

Michael R. Dolski, Sam Edwards, and John Buckley University of North Texas Press ePub

CHAPTER FIVE

“SIE KOMMEN”: FROM DEFEAT TO LIBERATION—GERMAN AND AUSTRIAN MEMORY OF THE ALLIED “INVASION” OF 6 JUNE 1944

GÜNTER BISCHOF AND MICHAEL S. MAIER1

The Battle of the Bulge was the bloodiest battle on the Western Front in World War II. Yet the Western Allies’ invasion of Normandy “has become the symbol of World War II in Europe” and is at the forefront of the former Allies’ remembrance culture and politics of history.2 For Germans and Austrians, meanwhile, the Normandy “invasion” marked a decisive defeat; only recently have the Germans begun to talk about the beginning of their “liberation” from Hitler’s terror regime in their remembrance of the Normandy campaign.3 While American and British D-Day veterans have been flooding the beaches of Normandy, German and Austrian veterans have quietly and unobtrusively visited the bunkers of the “Atlantic Wall,” or paid tribute to their fallen comrades at one of the six German cemeteries in Normandy (in which 77,976 Germans and Austrians are interred). The largest of these is La Cambe, where 21,500 soldiers are buried.4 Austrian soldiers made up roughly one-tenth of Nazi Germany’s armed formations of approximately twelve million soldiers. Proportionally we may speculate that among these fallen German Wehrmacht and SS soldiers buried in Normandy there may be as many as 8,000 Austrian nationals.

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