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Ethnicity in Ancient Amazonia

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"A major contribution to Amazonian anthropology, and possibly a direction changer." -J. Scott Raymond,University of Calgary

A transdisciplinary collaboration among ethnologists, linguists, and archaeologists, Ethnicity in Ancient Amazonia traces the emergence, expansion, and decline of cultural identities in indigenous Amazonia. Hornborg and Hill argue that the tendency to link language, culture, and biology--essentialist notions of ethnic identities--is a Eurocentric bias that has characterized largely inaccurate explanations of the distribution of ethnic groups and languages in Amazonia. The evidence, however, suggests a much more fluid relationship among geography, language use, ethnic identity, and genetics. In Ethnicity in Ancient Amazonia, leading linguists, ethnographers, ethnohistorians, and archaeologists interpret their research from a unique nonessentialist perspective to form a more accurate picture of the ethnolinguistic diversity in this area. Revealing how ethnic identity construction is constantly in flux, contributors show how such processes can be traced through different ethnic markers such as pottery styles and languages. Scholars and students studying lowland South America will be especially interested, as will anthropologists intrigued by its cutting-edge, interdisciplinary approach.

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CHAPTER ONE. Introduction: Ethnicity in Ancient Amazonia

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Alf Hornborg and Jonathan D. Hill

By endowing nations, societies, or cultures with the qualities of internally homogeneous and externally distinctive and bounded objects, we create a model of the world as a global pool hall in which the entities spin off each other like so many hard and round billiard balls.

ERIC R. WOLF, EUROPE AND THE PEOPLE WITHOUT HISTORY (1982:6)

Attempts to explain the distribution of indigenous languages and ethnic groups in Amazonia since the time of European contact, whether by historians, linguists, or archaeologists, have generally been founded on an essentialist conception of ethnolinguistic groups as more or less bounded, genetically distinct populations that have reached their recent territories through migration. This perception of ethnolinguistic diversity is a phenomenon that itself deserves explanation, as it appears to draw on a Eurocentric experience of nation-building that historically has struggled to integrate territory, language, identity, and biology (cf. Jones 1997). On closer examination, the evidence in Amazonia suggests a much more fluid relation among geography, language use, ethnic identity, and genetics (Hornborg 2005). Correlations of data on the physical geography, linguistics, archaeology, and ethnohistory of Amazonia indicate that ethnolinguistic identities and boundaries have been continuously generated and transformed by shifting conditions such as economic specialization, trade routes, warfare, political alliances, and demography. To understand the emergence, expansion, and decline of cultural identities over the centuries, we thus need to consider the roles of diverse conditioning factors such as ecological diversity, migration, trade, epidemics, conquest, language shifts, marriage patterns, and cultural creativity.

 

CHAPTER TWO. Archaeological Cultures and Past Identities in the Pre-colonial Central Amazon

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Eduardo Góes Neves

Archaeologists are well aware that a simple association between patterns in the archaeological record and ethnographic or ethnohistorical patterns is highly problematic. The ethnographic literature on lowland South America is full of examples of multilinguistic regional systems where different language groups share, for instance, the use of the same pottery, occupy villages with similar spatial layout, and even produce and consume the same basic foodstuffs. Such examples show that there is no simple correlation between the dynamic functioning of social systems and the static dimension of the archaeological record. In the particular case of Amazonia and northern South America the ethnographic and ethnohistorical literature is full of evidence that in the sixteenth century AD, and in some areas up until the present, local indigenous groups were regionally integrated in multiethnic networks including specialized production and exchange of goods, mobilization for warfare, and a periodic condensation into hierarchical, chiefdom-like social formations. These social formations were multilinguistic, with a patterning in material culture generated by exchange networks, although they sometimes developed lingua francas or pidgins. It is likely that many of the Amazonian social formations in the 500 years that preceded the European conquest had this general structural pattern (Neves 2008).

 

CHAPTER THREE. Deep History, Cultural Identities, and Ethnogenesis in the Southern Amazon

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Michael Heckenberger

Ethnogenesis is a widely discussed aspect of cultural change in indigenous Amazonia, generally taken to mean the emergence of a discrete “ethnos” through the mixing of two or more distinctive cultural groups, particularly within the context of European colonialism (Hill 1996). However, little is known in most cases about the actual processes of change, particularly over the long term, including different perspectives on change and continuity operating at multiple scales. Processes of cultural transformation, including major changes within societies and across regional systems, as well as cultural pluralism, are particularly poorly understood for pre-Columbian periods. This is due to a lack of well-documented long-term trajectories of sociohistorical change in discrete regions, especially such that can be linked to specific ethnographic cultural groups.

This chapter discusses the southern Amazon periphery and, particularly, the upper Xingú region of the southern Amazon. The Xinguano regional culture has long been known as one of the best cases of ethnogenesis in Amazonia, since peer communities in this regional society speak diverse languages, including Arawak, Carib, and Tupían languages, yet share the same basic cultural pattern.1 Recent research demonstrates that, while post-contact changes, particularly during the period from 1700 to 1800, were critical in the genesis of the plural society known today (composed of Arawak, Tupí-Guaraní, or closely related Tupían- and Carib-speaking peoples), pluralism has been part and parcel of Xinguano society and culture throughout much of its long history. This culture history, which extends from before ca. AD 500–800 to present times, is discussed in relation to several major periods, each of which can be seen as representing different aspects of “ethnogenesis”: (1) the early emergence of settled, hierarchical, and regional social formations and the spread of these cultural features, related specifically to ancestors of Arawak and related ethnolinguistic groups, in the lowlands and, particularly, southern Amazon periphery; (2) colonization by early Arawak agriculturalists, ca. AD 500 to 800 or before; (3) development of the regional social formation, characterized by the integration of small territorial polities within a regional peer-polity, by ca. 1250; and (4) post-contact development of the multilingual Xinguano society documented ethnographically, particularly after 1650–1750.

 

CHAPTER FOUR. Deep Time, Big Space: An Archaeologist Skirts the Topic at Hand

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Warren DeBoer

Polarities are falsehoods that focus debate. At the risk of losing focus, this chapter scouts a middle ground between so-called primordialist and instrumentalist views of ethnic groups. The primordialist argues for deep-seated continuity of the kind implied by the continental terms Bauplan and Volksgeist, the longue durée, and those enduring dispositions of habitus and hexis—an argot referring to what Latour (2007) dubs the ethers of social science. In contrast, instrumentalists (many of whom unknowingly employ a primordialist vocabulary) emphasize the mercurial and fleeting character of ethnic identities as they are asserted, resisted, or otherwise strategically reworked by social agents. Running against primordial fixity and the shackling burden of history, the instrumentalist party probably would win in an election and would certainly carry the vote of the American academy. The actual world of ethnic phenomena ranges between these opposing caricatures.

 

CHAPTER FIVE. Generic Pots and Generic Indians: The Archaeology of Ethnogenesis in the Middle Orinoco

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Kay Tarble de Scaramelli and Franz Scaramelli

Epidemic disease, slave raiding, and the displacement and relocation of indigenous groups under the colonial mission regime resulted in dramatic transformations in the ethnic conformation of the middle Orinoco area, as in other parts of America. Nonetheless, after the expulsion of the missionaries following the war of independence, native societies had the opportunity to redefine themselves vis-à-vis the fledgling Republics of Colombia and Venezuela. This process involved the coalition of small, remnant groups into viable multiethnic communities and the appearance of new ethnic identities. At the same time, a non-indigenous Criollo/Llanero (creole/ranger or cowboy) identity was evolving out of the combination of escaped slaves, former mission Indians, poor mestizos, mulattos, and blancos de orilla (whites from the periphery), who joined forces to exploit the abundant feral cattle in the savannahs, but who eventually were forced to enter the workforce as peons and cow-hands on the privately owned ranches in the area. As a part of this post-colonial process, ethnic, racial, and class lines were redrawn. A supra-ethnic identity, the generic Indio, emerged for indigenous peoples, as opposed to the generic Criollo or Racional, a gloss for Spanish-speaking sectors formerly divided into multiple castas during the colonial period. The colonial casta distinctions were largely abandoned as indigenous and non-indigenous sectors became increasingly polarized.

 

CHAPTER SIX. An Attempt to Understand Panoan Ethnogenesis in Relation to Long-Term Patterns and Transformations of Regional Interaction in Western Amazonia

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Alf Hornborg and Love Eriksen

This chapter will explore the regional context and reproduction of the Panoan ethnolinguistic family in western Amazonia. The argument is a specific case within a more general project1 aiming to build a database for correlating the geography, linguistics, material culture (e.g., ceramic styles, rock-art styles, horticultural systems, etc.), trade routes, and political projects of indigenous Amazonia over time (Eriksen 2011). We believe that correlations thus established can be used to test or at least illuminate various hypotheses on the emergence and history of specific ethnolinguistic groups. The Panoan language family provides an appropriate illustration of this more general perspective. In the area occupied by these groups, archaeological, linguistic, historical, and ethnological data jointly suggest that the sharp ethnic contrast between highland Quechua speakers and lowland Panoans for a very long time has been mediated by Arawakan groups occupying the Andean foothills and western margins of Amazonia. These sub-Andean Arawak speakers, we argue, represent the western reaches of a pan-Amazonian network of long-distance trade that once used a proto-Arawakan language as a lingua franca.2

 

CHAPTER SEVEN. Amazonian Ritual Communication in Relation to Multilingual Social Networks

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Ellen B. Basso

In this chapter I describe several approaches to how we might enhance our understanding of Amazonian ritual communication, offering suggestions for incorporating aspects of language use in the region into the new orientation to regional ethnogenesis (Hornborg 2005). As we have learned from studies of Amazonian welcoming rituals and other ceremonial dialogues, ritual practice probes the sources of community, helping participants to understand how latent hostility and tension among participants are transformed into some concrete, positive social relationships. Writers exploring this subject have adopted processual, affective, and ultimately evolutionary models involving the “sensory preconditions of meaning” (Urban 1986, 1988, 1989, 2002; Erikson 2000; Surrallés 2003). Along the same lines, a look at the more private “little” rituals of everyday life (Haviland 2009) demonstrates their considerable overlap with public discursive contexts (Basso 2007, 2009a, 2009b). Joking and avoidance relations, greetings, leave-takings, protests, and the languages of trade and marketing seem to have important resonances within the far-better-known public ceremonial practices of Amazonia. Furthermore, linguistic anthropology oriented to psychological questions about experience and personal meaning is also one of the rare sites of interest in the specific details of non-communitarian “chaotic” discourse and of “language ordeals” (Basso 2009a), communicative phenomena that have quickly led us away from assuming the presence of social “community” and “solidarity,” the idea of inherently unified communities. This suggests that people can belong to many communities or cultures at once, an idea that may be combined with the fact that “many traditional communities have had elaborate internal differentiation from time immemorial” (Gumperz 1996b:362). What these data suggest are the benefits of (1) an orientation to social networks rather than to sodalities; (2) a recognition of multilingual discursive areas rather than an assumption of monolingualism; and (3) the value of looking at stance alignments between participants in ritual practice, particularly the epistemic and evidential aspects of ritual communication and how these are manifested in what has been called the “I” of discourse (Urban 1989; Rumsey 2000).

 

CHAPTER EIGHT. The Spread of the Arawakan Languages: A View from Structural Phylogenetics

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Swintha Danielsen, Michael Dunn, and Pieter Muysken

Over the last three decades the Arawakan language family has drawn increasing attention in a number of disciplines (cf. Hill and Santos-Granero 2002). The family is unique in South America in several respects. It has the widest geographical extension of a language family in the continent. Furthermore, the literature reports for many individual members of the language family considerable influence from other languages in their immediate surroundings. In this chapter we aim to accomplish four things. First, we present a first analysis of a database of structural (as opposed to lexical) features of the Arawakan languages (Dunn et al. 2008). Comparative linguistic work on Arawakan languages was generally based on lexical material, such as that by Payne (1991). Structural features have been compared, for example, by Aikhenvald (1999a), but not systematically. Second, we carry out an analysis of the structural database using isolation by distance measures. Our third objective is to present the outcomes of a statistical analysis of the distribution of the structural features, using the SplitsTree program (NeighborNet) to yield a classification of the language family. Discrepancies between the classifications on the basis of structural features and the traditional lexical features may give us insight into the role of spread as a second language, as in the case of pidgins and creoles. The data may support Hornborg’s hypothesis that the Arawakan diaspora was in part a relatively recent phenomenon and that languages did not spread successively in one big migration phase, but rather in waves (cf. Hornborg 2005:603). Finally, we survey the data on the role of contact in shaping Arawakan languages.

 

CHAPTER NINE. Comparative Arawak Linguistics: Notes on Reconstruction, Diffusion, and Amazonian Prehistory

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Sidney da Silva Facundes and Ana Paula B. Brandão

In this chapter we address two issues related to the historical-comparative studies of Arawak. First, we will review the Apurinã-Piro-Iñapari linguistic subgrouping hypothesis that we have previously presented (Brandão and Facundes 2007). Second, we will make an exploratory analysis of twelve lexical similarities between Arawak and Arawá languages. And third, we will present suggestions on possible implications of the answers to the first two issues for the historical development of Arawak.

In 1492 Christopher Columbus landed on an island he called San Salvador, where he met the Taíno people. It was the beginning of the end of the Taíno communities and the language they spoke. Taíno was one of the languages belonging to the genetic group proposed in 1782 by Fillipo Salvadore Gilij then called Maipuran, based on a comparison between the languages Maipure and Moxo (Noble 1965:1; Payne 1991:363; Aikhenvald 1999:73). Although Gilij used the name of the Venezuelan language Maipure to name this genetic group, Brinton (1891) and von den Steinen (1886), according to Aikhenvald (1999:73), named the same group “Arawak” after the Arawak (or Lokono) language spoken in the Guyanas.

 

CHAPTER TEN. Linguistic Diversity Zones and Cartographic Modeling: GIS as a Method for Understanding the Prehistory of Lowland South America

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Östen Dahl, J. Christopher Gillam, David G. Anderson, José Iriarte, and Silvia M. Copé

The vast geographic scale, time depth, linguistic variability, and inherent complexity of long-term cultural trajectories influencing social ethnogenesis in lowland South America have presented scholars with many challenges in the past century (see Hornborg and Hill, this volume). However, it is this multifaceted character of the problem that lends itself to meaningful interpretations of ethnic identity and transformation in Amazonia. Traditional methods that focus on specific localities or groups and then extrapolate to the broader area often create generalization where differentiation is due. With few exceptions, our ability as anthropologists to manage and manipulate vast quantities of cultural and environmental data has lagged behind the technological advances of recent decades. Nonetheless, progress is being made on the technological side as user-friendly applications become more mainstream in the academic setting.

 

CHAPTER ELEVEN. Nested Identities in the Southern Guyana-Surinam Corner

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Eithne B. Carlin

This chapter explores the history of contact between several borderland language communities who live in the triangle that forms the southern border between Guyana and Surinam. In particular, focus is on the histories of four groups in this triangle that have been intricately intertwined through trade and intermarriage for more than two centuries, namely the Waiwai, Mawayana, Taruma, and Wapishana. Linguistically these four groups are quite distinct in that Waiwai belongs to the Cariban family, Mawayana and Wapishana are Arawakan languages that share no more than half of their basic vocabulary, and Taruma is unclassified. An additional group that held some dominance, though short-lived, on the Essequibo in the eighteenth century was the Manáos, who spoke an Arawakan language.

Although the larger and dominant groups on the Guyanese side of the border nowadays are the Wapishana and Waiwai, many Guyanese toponyms and hydro-nyms in the Rupununi are of Taruma origin, an indicator of Taruma dominance at some stage in history.

 

CHAPTER TWELVE. Change, Contact, and Ethnogenesis in Northern Quechua: Structural Phylogenetic Approaches to Clause-Embedding Predicates

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Pieter Muysken

This chapter is part of a research program focused on the long-term history and development of the South American languages. It tries to study grammatical properties of these languages as potential indices of genetic relationships. Under current analyses, based on years of research and using the well-established methods of historical linguistics, over 100 language families are postulated, many of them quite small or even unaffiliated or isolated languages, the so-called isolates. This is very surprising since other continents may have only half a dozen families, even though they were settled much earlier in the course of human history. South America is the most recently settled continent. There is widespread consensus that research in the coming years will yield further insights into links among now-recognized families, but I am pursuing the exploration of possible structural relationships because structural features as clusters may be more stable and revelatory of deep-time genetic links.

 

CHAPTER THIRTEEN. Sacred Landscapes as Environmental Histories in Lowland South America

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Jonathan D. Hill

In this chapter I will focus on ritual practices as active components in the ways that indigenous peoples of lowland South America have historically constructed power relations and the material, ecological landscapes that these different ritual practices have produced. The term “landscape” is used here to refer to a “historical construct, the visible imprint of past human agency” (Neves and Petersen 2006:279), or reflections of interactive processes that are at once organic, inorganic, and semiotic. Ritual practices and associated mythic narratives play a central role in the way material and organic phenomena are signified (i.e., named, classified, consumed, handled, or otherwise transformed) or imbued with culturally specific patterns of meaning, intentionality, and emotion.1 Significant features of the landscape are in turn recursively introduced as signifiers into the processes of reproducing human social relations.2 In this chapter, special attention is given to indigenous verbal artistry, including chanted, sung, and other musically performed ways of speaking in ritual settings as well as narrative discourses that explain the origins of such ritually powerful ways of speaking.

 

CHAPTER FOURTEEN. Constancy in Continuity? Native Oral History, Iconography, and Earthworks on the Upper Purús River

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Pirjo Kristiina Virtanen

When I was working with the Manchineri in Acre state, Brazil, I asked young people to produce drawings as a way of gaining more insight into their lived worlds. Once a young man drew the ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis) vision he had seen during a shamanic ceremony. When I later compared this shamanic Manchineri design with a satellite photo of an earthwork of the same region, I was surprised by how similarly the drawing followed the geometric forms of the earth structure. According to the young man, the geometric design was the “vehicle” of a palm spirit, which he depicted above it.1

According to Manchineri people, the shamanic visions come from entities such as palm spirits, one of the most powerful non-human beings in Manchineri sociocosmology. These visions, similar to dreams, provide an important source of knowledge from non-human beings. The visions allow transformation through the interaction with non-humans whose real nature and forms are expressed. They are experienced at a very personal level and represent a totalizing image of the world in which things are connected in complex invisible ways.

 

CHAPTER FIFTEEN. Ethnogenesis at the Interface of the Andes and the Amazon: Re-examining Ethnicity in the Piedmont Region of Apolobamba, Bolivia

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Meredith Dudley

On June 1, 2007, a group of Andean colonists and peasants (campesinos) blockaded the road between the highland city of La Paz and the small provincial capital of Apolo, located in the piedmont region of Apolobamba, Bolivia. Throughout the summer of 2007, the normally bucolic town was engulfed in chaos as protesters razed the local headquarters of Madidi National Park and the military police responded to protests with rounds of tear gas. Conditions in Apolo, which had been simmering unnoticed for years, were suddenly thrust into the national spotlight (ABI 2007a, 2007b; APB 2007).

The dispute arose in response to the legal recognition of an indigenous land claim, or Tierra Comunitaria de Origen (TCO, Communal Land of Origin) by the Lecos of Apolo, who had been organizing to reclaim their ethnic identity and territory for more than a decade (MACPIO 2001). What was being contested by both the campesino sector and the white provincial elite (vecinos) was not just the designation of the land itself but the very legitimacy of the people who were claiming it—the Lecos of Apolo. Although portrayed in the ethnographic literature and census data as on the verge of extinction (e.g., Varese 1983; Ibarra Grasso 1985; Martínez and Carvajal 1985; Montaño Aragón 1989; Lema 1998), Lecos ethnic identity was targeted for revitalization by the indigenous organization CIPLA (Indigenous Center of the Lecos People of Apolo), which formed in 1997 (MACPIO 2001).

 

CHAPTER SIXTEEN. Ethnogenesis and Interculturality in the “Forest of Canelos”: The Wild and the Tame Revisited

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Norman E. Whitten Jr.

In this chapter I focus on indigenous ethnogenesis and interculturality of the Canelos Quichua and Jivaroan people of the “forest of Canelos” as the former perceive themselves as emerging in a regional cultural system. I also focus on historical ethnogenesis wherein the portrayal of Quichua-speaking and Jivaroan-speaking people in Dominican archives established a strategic polarity seized upon by some scholars who, however inadvertently, subvert the epistemology revealed in serious, extended ethnography.

In 1536 Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda identified a place or region known as Canelos from his expedition’s terminal point of sub-Andean Quijos. This region constituted a crucial trade node between Amazonia and Quito that predated the Inca. The Inca continued to exploit the resources of the region radiating out of Quijos, although it constituted a land beyond their dominion. The tierra de la canela was said to be inhabited by dispersed people who spoke different languages and were aggregated under the rubric “Canelos.” There followed a period of violence initiated by the atrocities of the expedition led by Gonzalo Pizarro and continuing until the Quijos revolts beginning in 1579. Somehow, by 1581, the mission of Canelos, to the south of Quijos, was founded in various locations from Puyo to Canelos, and Dominican ecclesiastical territoriality rhetorically divided the region into “wild” Jívaro and Záparo “indians” on one side and “tame” Quichua “indians” on the other (see Whitten 2008 for specific references).

 

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN. Captive Identities, or the Genesis of Subordinate Quasi-Ethnic Collectivities in the American Tropics

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Fernando Santos-Granero

Situations in which different social groups come into close contact and become engaged in a power struggle constitute an especially propitious terrain for the unfolding of processes of ethnogenesis. This is particularly true of colonial situations, where ethnogenesis has been characterized “as a creative adaptation to a general history of violent changes” (Hill 1996:1). In the Americas, the economic, demographic, cultural, and political processes triggered by the presence and pressures of colonial agents have undoubtedly affected indigenous peoples, leading to the disappearance of some identities, the emergence of new ones, and the transformation and reinvention of most. Thus, much of the literature on ethnogenesis in the Americas deals with situations of conflict derived from colonial encounters in what has been labeled the “tribal zone” (Ferguson and Whitehead 1992; Anderson 1999; Schwartz and Salomon 1999; Heckenberger 2001). This chapter focuses instead on processes of ethnogenesis resulting from the activities of native tropical American peoples engaged in large-scale slave raiding and/or the subjugation of enemy peoples as servant groups during pre-colonial and early colonial times (see also Santos-Granero 2009b). It is thus concerned with ethnogenesis as the result of native- rather than foreign-induced sociopolitical dynamics. In such situations, captors were faced with the problem of how to incorporate large numbers of war captives and servant populations, whereas the latter were faced with the dilemma of resisting or giving in to the forces of assimilation. The tensions derived from this relationship had important consequences with regard to the identities of both masters and servants. Through the examination of three historical cases—Taíno/Naborey, Tukano/Makú, and Chiriguaná/Chané—I will assess the role of Amerindian forms of slavery and servitude in the transformation of existing identities and the production of new ones, a process that, from an Amerindian point of view, involves the transformation of less-than-human subordinates into “real people” and, eventually, into friends and kin. In other words, I propose to determine the role of relations of extreme dependence in the genesis of subordinate, quasi-ethnic collectivities and identities.

 

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN. Afterword: Ethnicity in Ancient Amazonia

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Neil L. Whitehead

This volume makes a major contribution to rethinking the history of South America by directly confronting some of the major theoretical constraints that have interfered with a better appreciation of the nature of ancient Amazonia. Several authors in the volume use the lens of Arawakan peoples to begin to provide a coherent ethnological framework for thinking through the interrelationships of language, society, culture, and history over extended time frames. This necessarily means that archaeological, no less than linguistic and sociocultural, materials are brought together into an emerging theoretical and historical paradigm. This has been achieved by rejecting earlier simplistic conceptions that picture a series of “peoples” distributed across a static landscape and forming neat, coherent, bounded populations linked by a common language, which, it was supposed, gave rise directly and distinctly to equally discrete and bounded “cultures” and “ethnic identities.” The apparent plausibility of this model no doubt has many roots, including inherent biases deriving from the colonial entanglements of anthropology and archaeology as intellectual projects; a lack of basic information on the archaeology, ecology, and ethnology of many parts of this vast region; and the resulting assumptions that the character of groups encountered in twentieth-century ethnography was essentially unchanged “survivors” from earlier times. Nothing could be further from the truth of the matter, and in fact the situation, demographic and sociopolitical, of modern Amazonians is more in the character of refugees from genocide than of untouched relics of a sylvan past.

 

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