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|Holmes, Lee||O'Reilly Media||ePub|
The decade of the 1870s offered new opportunities for the métis to assert power and influence within the colonial system. Although they had lost their monopoly over the middleman sector of the colonial economy, the economic, cultural, and social networks that métis families had developed allowed them entry into the political arena. In the 1870s, when the Third Republic expanded electoral institutions in Senegal, the métis capitalized on these reforms by winning seats in the local assemblies. Because of their education, ties to metropolitan commerce and the administration, and their familiarity with the local situation, the métis were well positioned to take advantage of the expansion of democratic institutions, and French officials relied on their cooperation.
Histories of modern politics in Senegal tend to cast the late nineteenth century as an intermediary phase between a politics of French hegemony and the emergence of African nationalism, in which “electoral clans” dominated commune politics and candidates relied on patron-clientage to mobilize African voters in support of their candidates.1 Racial identity had little to do with political alliances. The métis supported political parties that identified with Bordeaux commerce, the clergy, and Gaspard Devès’s coalition of “Senegalese interests.” Prominent African town residents organized the African electorate to support candidates with whom they had established ties, regardless of race. Saint Louis held particular importance as the capital of the colony, the headquarters of the General Council, and the commune with the largest population. Politics in Senegal’s capital differed little from city politics in metropolitan France. Commune politics involved strategic alliances, questionable tactics, and even “buying” votes.2See All Chapters
|Tougias, Michael||Hunter Publishing||ePub|
The original town, founded in 1882, grew up around the railroad depot, but in June 1986, four small communities Encinitas, Leucadia, Olivenhain and Cardiff-by-the-Sea united to form the new Encinitas along six miles of coastline between two lagoons.
San Diego Botanical Gardens, 230 Quail Gardens Dr., 619/436-3036, includes 30 acres of canyons and sunny hillsides, rare plants, a waterfall, self-guided trails, banana palms and America's largest collection of bamboos. It is one of the world's most diverse and botanically important plant collections. A chaparral area on the grounds serves as a natural bird refuge. Tours are available, and there is no admission charge on the first Tuesday of each month.
For more information, contact Encinitas North Coast Chamber of Commerce, 138 Encinitas Blvd., Encinitas 92024, 619/753-6041.
Taylors Herb Garden, 1535 Lone Oak Rd., 619/727-3485, is the West Coast's largest herb grower.
Rancho Buena Vista Adobe, 640 Alta Vista Dr., 619/945-4919 or 726-1340, originally was one of six ranchos claimed by Mission San Luis Rey. The last 1.9 acres of an original 1845 Mexican land grant were purchased by the city in 1989 and the house was furnished with turn-of-the-century antiques. Guided tours are available and docents weave tales of the walled skeleton, the lady in white and the prized stallion. Annual events include a quilting show, a treasure sale, a Victorian tea, Cinco de Mayo (the fifth of May, a cherished Mexican holiday), Family Day, Pioneer Luncheon, Ice Cream Social and the Holiday Home Tour.See All Chapters
|Jorge Antonio Renaud||University of North Texas Press|
visits and calls
here are prisons in some states that allow conjugal visits between inmates and their spouses. There are prisons where visitors are encouraged to have picnics with their loved ones, who are allowed to bring in food, and the prisons provide barbecue facilities. Visits in those states are almost unsupervised, with inmates and their families left alone until they abuse the privilege. Texas is not one of those states. In Texas, it is assumed that all inmates will, if given the opportunity, smuggle in contraband or will otherwise abuse the visiting process. In order to prevent this, Texas limits the contact between visitors and convicts severely.
Visits in Texas prisons fall into two categories: general and special. General visits are further divided into two categories: contact and non-contact, or regular visits. Every convict in Texas prison is allowed some type of visit, unless he is in a locked-down status or in punitive segregation.
While an inmate is at Diagnostic, he is advised to designate ten people he would like to have on his visiting list. Each is subject to approval bySee All Chapters
|McWilliams, Brian S||O'Reilly Media||ePub|
A ringing telephone roused Shiksaa from her sleep one night in late December 2002. According to her bedside clock, it was four in the morning. But she fumbled for the phone and answered, worried that it might wake her 80-year-old father who lived with her and was quite frail.
"Hello?" she mumbled into the phone.
"Is this Susan?" asked the unfamiliar male voice on the other end.
"Yes, it is," she replied, at once relieved and annoyed.
"Hey, it's Bill Waggoner."
Shiksaa's grogginess instantly disappeared. "How the hell did you get this number?" she demanded. It was an unlisted number that she gave out to very few people, none of whom were spammers.
"Someone just IM'ed it to me. I wanted to see if it really was your number," replied Waggoner, a Las Vegas-based junk emailer who had been on the Spamhaus Register of Known Spam Operations (Rokso) since it began in 2000.
Shiksaa sat up in bed. "You idiot. Do you realize it's four in the morning? Don't ever call this number again, or I'll call the police," she snarled. Then she hung up. She tried to get back to sleep, but she was struggling to understand how the unlisted number had gotten into circulation. Only one explanation made sense. She had recently phoned Scott Richter, head of OptInRealBig LLC, using the line. He must have captured the number with caller ID.See All Chapters
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